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At least one of the men was convicted of murder, others for child rape and assault. According to DHS spokesperson Tricia McLaughlin, the individuals were “so uniquely barbaric that their home countries refused to take them back”. The deportees originate from Cuba, Laos, Jamaica, Vietnam, and Yemen.

This marks the second known transfer of U.S. deportees to Africa this month — following eight men deported to South Sudan earlier in July under a similar scheme.

On June 23, 2025, the Supreme Court permitted expedited deportations to third countries, contingent only on assurances from the State Department that deportees would remain safe—eliminating the need for case‑by‑case judicial review.

Following this ruling, an ICE memo (dated July 9) authorized deportations with as little as six hours’ notice—though ordinarily a 24-hour notification is provided.

Critics warn that such sweeping measures may undermine legal due process and raise human rights concerns, with deportees potentially sent to nations where oversight is limited.

The Kingdom of Eswatini is a small, absolute monarchy of ~1.1–1.2 million people between South Africa and Mozambique, ruled by King Mswati III.

No official statement has come from Eswatini’s government confirming an agreement with the U.S. on absorbing these deportees.

Local civil society groups have voiced alarm over the secrecy surrounding the operation and the nation’s capacity to house convicted criminals.

A representative from pro‑democracy group SWALIMO emphasized that “this opacity makes it difficult for civic society to understand the implications”.

Eswatini—where political parties are effectively banned and freedom of expression often suppressed—has faced recent scrutiny over human rights violations and governmental transparency.

Activists caution that carrying out such deportations could put strains on the nation’s limited resources and oversight mechanisms .

Voices in Eswatini, including social media, describe the move as treating the country like a “dumping ground” and are calling for immediate parliamentary review and clarity on any U.S. partnership.

The U.S. is reportedly negotiating similar agreements with other African nations, including Rwanda, as part of a policy to relocate migrants outside of the Americas.

In West Africa, Nigeria has reportedly rebuffed American pressure to take in deportees, citing domestic constraints .

In Latin America, the U.S. has already transferred migrants to Costa Rica, Panama, and El Salvador, signaling a trend toward externalizing its border enforcement.

Legal and Ethical Concerns: The truncated deportation process bypasses standard legal frameworks, drawing criticism from human rights groups and UN observers who argue it may conflict with international law .

Domestic Politics: The policy bolsters the administration’s domestic stance on immigration control, but risks backlash at home if deportees face mistreatment abroad .

Diplomatic Fallout: Pressuring poor nations to host criminal deportees may weaken U.S. reputations and relations, especially if civic backlash and protests ensue.

Eswatini’s Response: Local watchdogs are demanding government transparency and full disclosure regarding the deal’s terms. An emergency parliamentary session has been suggested .

U.S. Expansion: Washington is reportedly on track to secure more third‑country deportation pacts, inviting scrutiny from legal analysts, NGOs, and foreign diplomats.

By deploying convicted criminals to Eswatini under a third‑country deportation policy approved by the Supreme Court, the U.S. administration has activated a bold new front in immigration enforcement.

The move raises pressing questions about legality, transparency, and national sovereignty—not least in small nations like Eswatini, whose resources and governance are already strained.

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“We extend our deepest condolences to the families, colleagues, and communities of those who were killed while working to assist others in desperate need,” the coalition said in a joint statement.

The attack occurred on Monday night near the town of El Koma in North Darfur province, as the convoy was en route to the city of El Fasher.

The United Nations confirmed the deaths and the destruction of several aid trucks.

According to UN spokesperson Stéphane Dujarric, the convoy — a joint operation by the World Food Programme (WFP) and UNICEF — consisted of 15 trucks and had traveled more than 1,800 kilometers from Port Sudan, carrying vital nutrition and food supplies.

“This horrendous act of violence is devastating,” Dujarric told reporters at a press briefing in New York on Tuesday.

“Multiple trucks were burned, and critical humanitarian supplies were destroyed. This was the first UN humanitarian convoy that was going to make it to El Fasher in over a year.”

The UN said negotiations were underway with local authorities to ensure safe passage to El Fasher when the attack occurred.

The perpetrators of the assault remain unidentified, and Sudan’s rival factions are trading blame.

The ALPS coalition emphasized that attacks on civilians, aid workers, and humanitarian assets constitute serious violations of international humanitarian law.

“We urgently reiterate the need for full respect of international humanitarian law, including the protection of civilians and humanitarian personnel,” the statement read. “We call on all parties to allow and facilitate unhindered humanitarian access to people in need.”

Sudan has been engulfed in a brutal civil war since April 2023, when conflict broke out between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF).

The war has displaced millions and has been marked by widespread atrocities, including ethnic violence and mass sexual violence, particularly in Darfur.

The humanitarian crisis continues to worsen, with large parts of the population now dependent on aid for survival.

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The statement, released Friday by the State Department’s Bureau of African Affairs on social media platform X, warned that such unilateral actions would “lack legitimacy and distract from pressing security challenges.”

“All relevant stakeholders should have a say in changes to Somalia’s federal and election systems,” the statement read.

On Wednesday, President Hassan Sheikh’s office released a statement from the National Consultative Council (NCC) without the inclusion of Puntland and Jubaland. The statement announced plans to hold elections and move forward with a new, controversial initiative to establish a so-called “legitimate” Jubaland state—despite the current existence of Jubaland.

Deep political divisions

This diplomatic intervention comes as Somalia grapples with deep political divisions surrounding proposed changes to its federal constitution, championed by President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.

These controversial reforms have drawn criticism and rejection from several federal member states and key political stakeholders.

With just a year left in President Mohamud’s term, concerns are mounting over the lack of a transparent and inclusive electoral process.

Instead of building consensus, the president has appointed an electoral committee tasked with organizing a “one-person, one-vote” election—an initiative that has not received the endorsement of major political figures, regional leaders, or civil society organizations.

The U.S. warning is seen by many as a pivotal moment.

“The U.S. statement came at a crucial time when Somalia is facing a serious political and security crisis,” said Mohamed Hassan, leader of the newly established Somali Democratic Alliance party.

“Decisions imposed by one side will only deepen division. Right now, security is deteriorating, and extremist groups are gaining ground near Mogadishu, yet the government’s recent actions have alienated the public.”

Rashid Abdi, a prominent Horn of Africa analyst based in Kenya, described the statement as a significant shift in U.S. policy.

“Hassan Sheikh was hailed as a reformer exactly three years ago. Since then, he’s received strong Western backing. But that era is ending. Many now view him as an unreliable partner and even a destabilizing figure. The U.S. statement marks a turning point,” Abdi wrote on social media.

Somalia’s civil society also welcomed the move.

Abdalle Ahmed Mumin, Secretary General of the Somali Journalists Syndicate, said the message echoed longstanding concerns raised by independent civil society groups.

“Thank you @AsstSecStateAF and @StateDept for this strong and clear message. This is what we, as civil society actors, have been saying for a long time. Ignoring inclusive dialogue undermines peace and worsens the terror threat,” Mumin posted on X.

Some Somali parliamentarians also expressed their support, viewing the U.S. intervention as a step toward restoring trust and pushing for a more inclusive political process.

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The move comes amid recent territorial advances by Al Shabab militants, which have intensified internal debate within the administration over whether to scale back or ramp up U.S. engagement in Somalia.

Al Shabab, an Al Qaeda affiliate, is also believed to be developing ties with Yemen’s Iran-backed Houthi militia, raising further concerns about regional instability and transnational threats.

Some officials at the U.S. State Department, cited by the Times, have advocated for a full withdrawal of embassy personnel as a precaution, fearing a potential Benghazi-style attack.

Others within the National Security Council oppose the move, warning that it could lead to the collapse of Somalia’s already fragile federal government.

They instead call for increased U.S. involvement, including greater military and intelligence support.

In early March, the U.S. Embassy in Mogadishu issued a security alert warning of an imminent Al Shabab attack, urging vigilance among U.S. citizens and personnel.

Embassy staff reportedly relocated to Nairobi, Kenya, shortly after the warning.

On March 18, Al Shabab carried out a large-scale bombing in Mogadishu, killing at least 20 people, including prominent Somali journalist Mohamed Abukar Dabaashe.

President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud narrowly escaped the attack, which marked one of the deadliest in recent months.

Despite the security risks, the State Department maintains that the Mogadishu embassy remains “fully operational” and that threat assessments are ongoing.

However, with Al Shabab regaining control of key rural territories and inching closer to the capital, fears of a forced evacuation persist—though analysts note that heavy rains have temporarily halted the group’s advances.

The Trump administration’s internal rift reflects broader anxieties fueled by the 2012 Libya’s  Benghazi attack and the 2021 fall of Afghanistan’s Kabul to Taliban, with critics accusing the White House of lacking a coherent strategy for Somalia.

Counterterrorism adviser Sebastian Gorka, a hardliner, reportedly chaired a recent interagency meeting where the issue was discussed but no clear decision was reached.

Gorka is pushing for intensified drone strikes and air raids, warning that any drawdown would hand Somalia over to extremists.

Somalia’s security forces are said to be in disarray, with some units deserting to their clans and others being killed in clashes with Al Shabab.

The U.S. has spent years training Somalia’s elite Danab commandos and supporting them with air power, but those efforts have largely stalled.

President Mohamud has been accused of alienating key political allies, further weakening the government’s hold.

One controversial proposal being discussed is relocating U.S. operations to a Soviet-era airbase in Somaliland, the self-declared independent region in northern Somalia.

Although President Mohamud reportedly offered the base to the U.S., the Somali government does not control the area.

Al Shabab remains a potent force in the region. Since pledging allegiance to Al Qaeda in 2012, the group has launched deadly attacks beyond Somalia’s borders, including the 2013 Westgate Mall massacre in Nairobi and the 2020 assault on the Manda Bay U.S. military base in Kenya.

U.S. Africa Command is also monitoring possible cooperation between Al Shabab and the Houthis, as regional instability continues to grow.

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Yusuf has been designated as a Specially Designated Global Terrorist (SDGT) due to his pivotal role in facilitating the delivery of foreign fighters, supplies, and ammunition for ISIS-Somalia.

ISIS-Somalia has emerged as a significant hub for disseminating funds and providing guidance to various ISIS branches and networks across the African continent.

The militant group primarily generates revenue through extortion, preying on local communities by demanding money and recruits under the looming threat of violence.

“The sanctions imposed today demonstrate the U.S. commitment to leveraging our authorities in support of our partners, including the Federal Government of Somalia, in their efforts to counter terrorist financing and strengthen national and regional stability and security,” emphasized Under Secretary of the Treasury for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence, Brian E. Nelson, following his meetings with government officials and the Somali private sector in Mogadishu.

This latest action by OFAC builds upon previous designations in November 2022, targeting a transnational ISIS-Somalia weapons trafficking network and senior members of the terrorist group.

Furthermore, it follows the U.S. military operation in January of this year that led to the targeted killing of Somalia-based ISIS leader Suhayl Salim Abd El-Rahman, also known as Bilal al-Sudani.

ISIS-Somalia continues to facilitate financial transfers, utilizing methods such as mobile money, to sustain its destabilizing activities across Africa.

The terrorist group’s primary revenue streams involve extorting financial institutions, mobile money service providers, and local businesses, with a particular focus on the Port of Bosaso in the Bari region of Somalia.

Abdiweli Mohamed Yusuf has been serving as the head of ISIS-Somalia’s finance office since at least late 2019. As a key senior member of the group, Yusuf reports to other ISIS leaders in Somalia, including ISIS al-Karrar office emir Abdiqadir Mumin and ISIS-Somalia emir Abdirahman Fahiye Isse Mohamud, both of whom were designated by the Department of State and OFAC in 2016 and 2022, respectively.

Yusuf’s involvement in directing the delivery of foreign fighters, supplies, and ammunition on behalf of ISIS further solidifies his role in managing the group’s generated revenue and facilitating fund transfers. The U.S. government’s action against him aims to disrupt ISIS-Somalia’s financial activities and curtail its ability to spread violence and terror across the continent.

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The Chief of Staff of the Somali National Army, in a surprising move, relieved Commander Danab Ahmed Abdullahi Noor, commonly known as “Beeryare,” who hails from the Habargedir/Ayr clan. He was promptly replaced by Lieutenant Colonel Aidarus Mohamed Hussein, a member of the Habargedir/Sa’ad clan.

The abrupt change in command within the Danab forces has intensified existing tensions and suspicions, as the replacement commander has swiftly become associated with President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and the Director of the National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA), Mahad Salad.

Politicians and clan elders wasted no time in raising concerns over the reshuffling, viewing it as an attempt to exert control over the Danab force and exploit it for political and clan agendas.

Suspicions surrounding the leadership change have deepened since the untimely death of Major Hassan Mohamed Osman, affectionately known as Hassan Tuure. Major Tuure, the battle-tested deputy commander who led the Danab brigade to numerous victories in the ongoing offensive against Al-Shabaab in central Somalia, tragically fell victim to an Al-Shabaab twin car bombing in Galcad town on January 20 of this year.

The Danab Brigade, also known as the Lightning Brigade, stands as a vital component of the Somali National Army’s (SNA) counterinsurgency efforts. This commando force was established in 2014 with the support of the United States, aiming to enhance the capabilities of Somali security forces in combating extremist groups like Al-Shabaab.

The commandos have garnered acclaim for their successful operations, including the apprehension of senior Al-Shabaab leaders and the disruption of the group’s activities in southern Somalia.

However, the unit has not been immune to controversy. Stationed in three different locations: Baledogle, Kismayo, and Galkayo, each division is commanded by an officer hailing from influential clans, a factor that has historically raised suspicions among other clans and pushed the rival clans to the side.

In August 2016, the Danab forces, originating from Baledogle Airport and representing the Hawiye and Rahanweyn clans, briefly took control of the north Galkayo airport, triggering concerns from the Puntland regional administration. Puntland deployed its own troops to the airport, nearly resulting in an armed confrontation.

Tragically, in March of this year, Mohamed Aden Suleiman, a battalion commander within the Danab Brigade who received training in the United States, lost his life while engaged in combat in Laascaanood between the Dhulbahahte clan fighters and the Somaliland, a force dominated by the Isaq clanmen.

The recent leadership shake-up within the Danab Brigade underscores the challenges faced by Somalia in navigating clan dynamics and potential political interference within its security forces.  As the country struggles with serious security challenges, the citizens’ hope to gain Somalia that can establish a cohesive and inclusive security apparatus that engenders trust seems yet unattainable.

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But senior Biden administration officials yesterday sought to calm anger in foreign capitals over the documents, noting that they had spoken to their Ukrainian counterparts as well as other unidentified American allies.

Lloyd Austin, the U.S defense secretary, acknowledged the many unknowns about the documents.

”They were somewhere in the web,” he said. “And where exactly and who had access at that point, we don’t know. We simply don’t know at this point.”

A niche online community has became a focus of international attention in the leak.

Some foreign governments were roiling over the breach, prompting criticism of the U.S. for conducting surveillance of its allies and claims that the documents could not be trusted.

South Korea’s government said a report that purports to describe Seoul’s internal deliberations over whether to supply artillery shells that might end up in Ukraine was false.

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