Lumbuye, who has lived in Turkey for several years, is wanted by Ugandan authorities, who have repeatedly sought his extradition to face charges related to alleged incitement of violence, the dissemination of false information, and violations of laws governing computer and online communications.

The blogger has remained an outspoken critic of the Ugandan government, frequently using social media and online platforms to comment on the country’s political affairs.

The issue has gained increasing prominence in recent months, with General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, the commander of the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) and son of President Museveni, publicly urging Turkish authorities to hand Lumbuye over to Uganda.

UPDF spokesperson Chris Magezi announced that Uganda had suspended all military and defense cooperation with Turkey until the dispute between the two countries is resolved.

The decision came a day after hundreds of supporters of the Patriotic League of Uganda (PLU) staged a demonstration outside the Turkish Embassy in Kampala.

Protesters called on Turkey to extradite Lumbuye, accusing him of continuing to criticize and challenge the Ugandan government while residing abroad.

PLU Secretary-General Fadil Twaha said the protest was intended to convey Uganda’s concerns to Turkish authorities rather than create hostility between the two nations.

General Muhoozi also expressed support for the demonstration on social media, stating that he believed Turkey would eventually respond positively to Kampala’s requests.

The dispute centers on Lumbuye’s legal status in Turkey. In 2022, a Turkish court reportedly rejected Uganda’s request for his extradition.

Although the current status of any subsequent legal proceedings remains unclear, Lumbuye continues to comment regularly on Ugandan politics through social media and his YouTube channel.

What began as a disagreement over the extradition of a government critic has now expanded into a broader diplomatic issue affecting relations between Kampala and Ankara.

For years, Uganda and Turkey have maintained close defense ties, including agreements covering military training, defense industries, security cooperation, and the supply of military equipment.

The two countries have also worked together on counterterrorism initiatives and military capacity-building programs.

The suspension of defense cooperation comes at a sensitive time, as the two nations are also engaged in significant economic and infrastructure partnerships.

General Muhoozi has previously commented on multi-billion-dollar contracts involving Turkish companies, including participation in Uganda’s Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) project.

The growing political dispute has raised questions about the future of some of those agreements.

Public statements from Ugandan officials and political figures have also suggested that additional measures affecting Turkish business interests or citizens in Uganda could be considered if Ankara does not change its position on Lumbuye.

As a result, the Fred Lumbuye case has evolved beyond a legal and extradition matter into a wider diplomatic challenge, with implications for defense cooperation, economic relations, and broader ties between Uganda and Turkey.

Both governments now face mounting diplomatic pressure as Uganda continues to push for Lumbuye’s extradition, while Turkey appears to be maintaining its position that any such request must proceed through legal and judicial channels.

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The President, who had been highly active on social media and regularly appeared in public, has not been seen since his official visit to Egypt on July 7, where he held a meeting with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi at the Al-Alamein Palace, according to a brief statement from the Somali presidential spokesperson, Abdirahman Adan. No further details were provided about the visit.

On July 11, Villa Somalia’s official social media accounts published photos of President Hassan Sheikh in Ankara, Turkey, stating that he met with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

However, none of the presidential staff — including the spokesperson — are reported to have accompanied him to Turkey.

Sources close to the presidency told Kaab TV that all staff members who travelled with the President to Cairo have since returned to Mogadishu, while the President himself did not return with them.

Reports suggest that only members of his immediate family remained with him during the Turkey leg of his trip, making it difficult to obtain credible updates about his current activities or location.

Prolonged absence has sparked growing concern

The prolonged absence has sparked growing concern among Somali lawmakers. Member of Parliament Dahir Amin Jesow spoke out during a public event in Mogadishu last week, saying, “As of today, the President of this country is being searched for. No one knows where he is.”

Despite public concern, Villa Somalia has so far remained silent on the matter.

The President’s disappearance comes at a time of heightened insecurity, as the Somali government continues to battle Al-Shabaab militants, who still control large areas near the capital.

Lawmakers warn that the President’s absence during such a critical period poses serious risks to national security and governance.

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The suspect, identified as Hassan Atar, was arrested on Sunday, June 15, while fetching water alone from a well.

He was armed with an AK-47 rifle but unaccompanied, according to Brigadier General Ahmed Abdullahi Sheikh, one of the senior officers leading the counter-terror campaign.

“This represents a substantial achievement by Puntland’s counter-terror operations,” said Brig. Gen. Sheikh. “These exceptional tactical gains will significantly contribute to intelligence gathering, improving threat assessments, and deepening our understanding of this global terror network.”

The arrest was carried out by the 3rd Battalion of the Puntland Defense Forces. Atar is currently being held at an undisclosed interrogation facility.

This follows a similar incident in which Puntland forces previously captured a Moroccan national linked to ISIS.

Sweeping military campaign targeting ISIS

Since December 2024, Puntland has launched a sweeping military campaign targeting ISIS bases entrenched in the Cal Miskaad mountains.

The offensive, supported by U.S. forces, the UAE, and Ethiopia, has led to the recapture of key militant positions.

In a related development earlier this year, Puntland security forces recovered the passport of Mohamed Ahmed Al Hawshani, a Saudi ISIS operative, which revealed he had entered Somalia via Egypt, providing critical insight into the movement of foreign militants.

Meanwhile, following a deadly car bombing, Puntland authorities neutralized 12 ISIS militants near Dharjaalle, a remote mountain area in Bari.

According to Puntland intelligence sources, foreign fighters have been identified from countries including Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Sudan, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Ethiopia, and Tanzania.

While ISIS-Somalia remains smaller in scale compared to the al-Shabaab insurgency, its continued foothold in Puntland underscores the region’s ongoing security challenges.

ISIS-Somalia was established in 2015 when Abdulqadir Mumin, a former al-Shabaab cleric, pledged allegiance to ISIS.

Operating primarily in the Golis Mountains, the group has been responsible for a string of assassinations and IED attacks targeting security forces and local officials.

Puntland’s strategic location along the Gulf of Aden and its proximity to the Red Sea make it a key corridor for international maritime trade.

However, the same geography also renders it vulnerable to smuggling networks and transnational criminal activity, which extremist groups exploit for funding.

The region’s complex security environment is further complicated by the involvement of international actors and the broader geopolitical dynamics of the Horn of Africa.

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His swift move towards rapprochement with Ethiopia has raised concerns among some of Somalia’s traditional allies, particularly Eritrea and Egypt.

Last Thursday, Prime Minister Abiy was warmly received in Mogadishu, where he held bilateral talks with President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and key members of the Somali cabinet.

This visit followed the mediation efforts of Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in December, with support from European partners.

The discussions between Somalia and Ethiopia centered on resolving tensions that flared after Ethiopia signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with Somaliland. That MOU agreement granted Addis Ababa access to the Red Sea, the establishment of a 20-kilometer naval military base, and port access.

In a statement released on Thursday, the Somali President’s Office noted that the meeting between President Mohamud and Prime Minister Abiy “focused on strengthening cooperation in security, economic, and social spheres.”

Both leaders emphasized the historical ties and longstanding neighborly relations between their nations, underlining mutual respect for sovereignty and non-interference in each other’s internal affairs.

Prime Minister Abiy, following his visit, expressed his appreciation for the reception.

“We held extensive discussions on a range of areas, including peace and security, economy, diplomacy, and the potential to build joint infrastructure,” Prime Minister Abiy wrote on X (formerly Twitter).

“We held extensive discussions on a range of areas, including peace and security, economy, diplomacy, and the potential to build joint infrastructure,”- Prime Minister Abiy

With financial backing from the UAE, Ethiopia plans to build a new naval base, acquire high-speed navy vessels, and diversify its port utilization, which has traditionally relied on Djibouti.

While this MOU remains in place, the Somali Federal Government has now proposed a new deal, allowing the Ethiopian army to rejoin the AUSSOM mission in Somalia and granting the Ethiopian Navy access to Somali waters, especially the Red Sea.

Furthermore, under the Hassan Sheikh-Abiy agreement, Ethiopia will also receive a new port with 100% access and management rights.

Further regional tensions

Though these developments could be viewed as a potential breakthrough in alleviating tensions in the Horn of Africa, it is clear that the situation remains far from stable.

The Somali government’s shift has already ignited further tensions, particularly with Eritrea and Egypt, Ethiopia’s most vocal regional adversaries.

On Saturday, an Egyptian delegation led by Foreign Minister Dr. Badr Abdelatty arrived in Asmara to meet with Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki.

The meeting, described by Eritrean Information Minister Yemane Meskel, aimed to address key regional issues, including the conflict in Sudan, nation-building in Somalia, and the challenges of peace and security in the Horn of Africa and Red Sea regions.

Since October 2024, Eritrea, Egypt, and Somalia had held tripartite meetings focused on isolating Ethiopia and blocking Addis Ababa’s attempts to gain access to the Red Sea.

This cooperative effort was primarily in response to Ethiopia’s increasing geopolitical ambitions, particularly regarding the Red Sea and Somaliland, as well as its security moves in the region.

According to a senior diplomat in the region, Somalia’s alignment with Ethiopia could be perceived as a betrayal by Egypt and Eritrea, effectively weakening their stance against Ethiopia’s expansionist ambitions.

“Egypt and Eritrea could retaliate diplomatically, economically, and militarily if Somalia shifts towards Ethiopia, viewing it as a direct threat to their strategic interests in the Red Sea and Horn of Africa,” said the diplomat, who requested anonymity.

The Ethiopia-Somalia agreement brokered by Turkey came as a shock to Egypt and Eritrea. Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has been at odds with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, largely due to Turkey’s support for groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood, which Egypt has long sought to suppress.

In December, Egyptian President al-Sisi expressed his concern, stating that he was closely monitoring the agreement between Ethiopia and Somalia, hoping it would contribute to security and stability in the Horn of Africa.

This statement came shortly after al-Sisi spoke with French President Emmanuel Macron, with France being a key partner in Ethiopia’s infrastructure development, particularly in the aviation, railway systems, and military sectors.

In 2023 alone, France exported over $383 million in goods to Ethiopia, including planes, helicopters, and spacecraft valued at $160 million.

Egypt’s Foreign Ministry has made it clear that it strongly opposes Ethiopia’s ambitions to gain access to the Red Sea, seeing such moves as a direct threat to Egypt’s national security and regional stability.

“We will not accept any foreign military presence on the Red Sea coast,” Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty stated on January 11.

“We will not accept any foreign military presence on the Red Sea coast,” – Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty .

Cairo is especially concerned that Ethiopia’s presence on the Red Sea could undermine Egypt’s strategic interests and influence in this crucial maritime corridor.

Aware of these concerns, Somalia’s Foreign Minister Ahmed Moalim Fiqi was forced on numerous occasions to deny “allowing Ethiopia access to the Red Sea.”

In response to Ethiopia’s aspirations, Egypt has strengthened its alliances with neighboring countries, notably Somalia and Eritrea.

Egypt has even offered to deploy peacekeeping troops to Somalia as the African Union’s long-standing mission in the country nears its conclusion.

This move is seen as an attempt to bolster regional alliances and counterbalance Ethiopia’s growing influence in the Horn of Africa.

However, it remains unclear whether Egyptian forces will be deployed to Somalia, particularly as Ethiopian forces have now been greenlit to operate in regions such as Gedo, Hiiraan, Bay, and Bakool.

These areas were initially considered for deployment by Egyptian military forces under the AUSSOM framework, despite financial challenges facing the African Union.

Adding fuel to the fire, Egyptian officials are angry that they have provided weapons to Somalia and trained hundreds of Somali forces, all of which now seem to have been in vain as Mogadishu unexpectedly shifts towards Addis Ababa.

Eritrea, for its part, has expressed dissatisfaction with the outcome of the Tigray conflict, particularly as it did not achieve its goal of dismantling the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).

Eritrean officials also remain angry over the Ethiopia-Somaliland port deal, which further inflamed tensions with Addis Ababa.

In response, President Isaias Afwerki has shifted his position, joining the tripartite alliance with Egypt and Somalia in an effort to counterbalance Ethiopia’s influence in the region.

However, this alliance has now become tenuous, as Somalia’s growing relationship with Ethiopia risks undermining Eritrea’s regional interests.

Eritrea views any new agreements granting Ethiopia access to the Red Sea as an infringement on its sovereignty and territorial integrity.

In response to these developments, Eritrean Information Minister Yemane Meskel remarked that the periodic consultations between Egypt and Eritrea on the Somalia-Ethiopia situation aim to cultivate common positions on vital matters of regional security and stability.

“Themes addressed in greater depth include: the quest for an expeditious and peaceful solution to the conflict in the Sudan; endeavours underway on nation-building in Somalia; as well as challenges of peace and security in the Horn of Africa and Red Sea Regions,” – Eritrean Information Minister Yemane Meskel

Looking ahead, Eritrea and Egypt may retaliate diplomatically, isolating Somalia from key regional alliances.

This could result in economic sanctions or a reduction in military support, particularly in counter-terrorism efforts.

Somalia, thus, may find itself navigating a delicate balance between the benefits of its newfound alliance with Ethiopia and the repercussions of distancing itself from its long-standing allies.

The worst-case scenario would see Egypt and Eritrea escalating tensions militarily, which could spark a new arms race in the Horn of Africa.  Both countries might ramp up their military presence along the Red Sea and in Somalia, further destabilizing the region.

Somalia’s neutrality could be severely compromised as it becomes caught between two powerful blocs, each with competing interests in the region’s future.

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At least 51 people were also injured in the fire at the Grand Kartal hotel in Kartalkaya, in the Koroglu mountains of Bolu province, about 300 kilometers (185 miles) east of Istanbul, Interior Minister Ali Yerlikaya said. The fire happened near the start of a two-week winter school break, when hotels in the region were full.

“Our hearts are broken. We are sad,” said Yerlikaya who spoke to the press outside the hotel. But you should know that whoever is responsible for this disease will not escape justice.

Atakan Yelkovan, a hotel guest on the third floor, told IHA news agency that there was chaos on the upper floors as other guests tried to escape, including trying to get down from their rooms using the stairs. sheets and blankets.

“The people on the upper floors were screaming. They hung sheets… Some tried to jump,” Yelkvan said.

Yerlikaya said that 45 of the 76 people killed have been identified while efforts are underway to identify the other victims.

“Forty-five bodies have been delivered to their families. We will not be able (immediately) to identify the others,” Yerlikaya said, adding that emergency teams will conduct a final examination of the victims on Wednesday.

Health Minister Kemal Memisoglu said at least one of the injured was in critical condition, while 17 others were treated and released.

The hotel has registered 238 guests, Yerlikaya said. The fire was reported at 3:27 a.m., and the fire department began responding at 4:15 a.m., he told reporters.

The government has appointed six prosecutors to lead the investigation into the fire, which is believed to have started in the restaurant section of the hotel. Nine people have been arrested as part of the fire investigation, Yerlikaya said. Earlier, the Minister of Justice Yilmaz Tunc said that the owner of the hotel was one of the people arrested for questioning in the investigation.

At least two of the victims died when they jumped from the building in panic, as Gov. Abdulaziz Aydin The government-run agency of Anadolu. The people who were killed were Nedim Turkmen, a writer for Sozcu newspaper, his wife and two children, as the newspaper announced.

Necmi Kepcetutan, a ski instructor at the hotel, said he was asleep when the fire broke out and left the building. He told NTV television that he then helped about 20 people out of the hotel.

The hotel was engulfed in smoke, making it difficult for guests to find fire extinguishers, he said.

“I can’t reach some of my students. I hope they are OK,” the ice coach told the station.

Television footage showed the roof and upper floors of the hotel on fire.

Witnesses and reports suggested that the hotel’s fire extinguishing system had failed.

“My wife smelled the burning. The noise has not stopped,” said Yelkovan, a guest interviewed by IHA. “We tried to go up but we couldn’t, there were flames. We went down to this floor and came here (outside),” he said.

Yelkovan said it took about an hour for fire crews to arrive.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan declared a day of national mourning on Wednesday. All flags in government buildings and Turkish diplomatic missions abroad will be lowered to half-staff, he said.

Tourism Minister Mehmet Nuri Ersoy told reporters that the hotel was inspected in 2021 and 2024 “there is no bad situation in terms of fire power” reported by the fire department.

In a speech in Ankara, Erdogan said: “Unfortunately, we received sad news this morning from Bolu, Kartalkaya. Our brothers were killed and injured in a fire in a hotel.

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The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Sudan, Ali Yusuf, issued a brief report on the meeting, saying “Sudan needs brothers and friends like Turkey,” adding that “the initiative can lead to the realization of peace in Sudan.”

Also, at the beginning of December, the President of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, contacted the commander of the Sudanese army, Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, by telephone, and told him that Turkey is ready to start negotiations to end the war. At that time, Erdogan indicated that the initiative is to first find a solution to the military conflict between Sudan and the United Arab Emirates, to eliminate any kind of foreign interference.

After the discussion, last week in a press release from the United Arab Emirates, Abu Dhabi confirmed that it welcomes Turkey’s diplomatic efforts to resolve the crisis in Sudan.

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It came during a telephone call al-Sisi received from his French counterpart, Emmanuel Macron.

Al-Sisi added that he is “closely following the agreement recently reached between Ethiopia and Somalia through Turkish mediation.”

He expressed his “hope that this agreement would contribute to achieving security and stability in the Horn of Africa region, and that it would be in line with the principles of international law.”

The two presidents emphasized “the importance of further enhancing cooperation across various fields, especially economic and investment, while emphasizing the need to attract more French companies to invest in development projects in Egypt,” it said.

The call also involved an exchange of views on regional developments.

The Egyptian president stressed “the close link between security and stability in the Horn of Africa and Egypt’s national security.”

He pointed out that Egypt “is working to support Somalia to achieve security and stability, whether through bilateral cooperation or by participating in the African Union peacekeeping mission at Somalia’s request.”

Ethiopia and Somalia have been at odds since Ethiopia struck a deal in January with Somalia’s breakaway region of Somaliland to use its Red Sea port of Berbera.

Türkiye has been working to resolve these tensions.

The Ankara Declaration, brokered by Türkiye and signed Dec. 12, marked a turning point in relations between the Horn of Africa neighbors.

Somalian and Ethiopian leaders emphasized that the declaration “reaffirmed their respect and commitment to one another’s sovereignty, unity, independence, and territorial integrity.”

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Source: Anadolu Agency

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The visit comes just days after a Somali delegation traveled to Addis Ababa for discussions with Ethiopian officials, following the Ankara Declaration brokered by Turkey which tends to ease the tension about the Somaliland-Ethiopia MOU.

The deal, aimed at ending a maritime dispute between Somalia and Ethiopia, has sparked concerns among regional powers.

The Ankara agreement has drawn suspicions from Eritrea and Egypt, both of which view Ethiopia’s potential access to the Red Sea as a violation of their previous understanding with Somalia.

Eritrean Foreign Ministry advisor Abdulkadir Idris told BBC Somali that the agreement undermines Somalia’s sovereignty and risks destabilizing the region.

Eritrea has warned of potential diplomatic fallout, describing the deal as “hasty and poorly conceived.”

Idris expressed frustration with Somalia’s rapid acceptance of the agreement, which he claimed jeopardizes existing alliances.

Tripartite Alliance of Somalia, Eritrea, and Egypt

The Ankara Declaration establishes technical committees to address maritime issues, with a deadline for resolution set for mid-2025.

As part of the deal, Ethiopia will contribute troops to the African Union’s new AUSSOM mission, scheduled to begin operations in Somalia next year.

The agreement has heightened tensions within the Tripartite Alliance of Somalia, Eritrea, and Egypt, which was formed to counter Ethiopia’s ambitions for Red Sea access.

Eritrea and Egypt view Ethiopia’s demand to get access to the Red Sea as a threat to regional stability.

Somalia has also signed a series of defense and military agreements with Egypt, Eritrea, and Turkey, many of which remain undisclosed.

Egypt has provided arms and equipment to Somalia, further straining Somalia’s relationship with Ethiopia.

Egypt also says it will contribute troops to an African Union Somalia peacekeeping mission.

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For months, their disagreements had remained hidden from the public, but by the week’s end, their feud had become impossible to contain.

At the center of their conflict were lucrative oil and gas exploration contracts, involving millions of dollars and foreign companies, including entities from Turkey.

President Mohamud accused Abdirisak of misappropriating funds from these deals, alleging that over $10 million received in 2022 and $8 million in 2023 were mishandled.

While Abdirisak did not deny the accusations, sources close to the president revealed that he had initially shared a portion of the proceeds with Mohamud but later began keeping the funds for himself – mostly in overseas bank accounts.

Efforts to mediate the crisis were spearheaded by Prime Minister Hamza Abdi Barre and other key figures, including Minister of Planning Mohamud Beene Beene.

Both sought a resolution that would preserve the relationship between the two men. However, President Mohamud was unyielding, insisting that Abdirisak, who is also a Member of Parliament from the Hiiraan region, be removed from his cabinet post as punishment for what he viewed as betrayal.

By early Sunday, President Mohamud instructed the prime minister to announce a cabinet reshuffle. By midday, Abdirisak’s dismissal was formalized, marking the end of his tenure as Minister of Petroleum and Mineral Resources.

Mini reshuffle

The reshuffle brought significant changes. Abdirisak was replaced by Dahir Shire Mohamed, who now oversees the Ministry of Petroleum and Mineral Resources.

General Bashir Mohamed Jama (Goobe), who faced criticism during his time as Minister of Women and Human Rights, was reassigned as Minister of Environment and Climate Change.

Meanwhile, Khadija Al-Makhsumi, a Member of Parliament and the wife of Abdikarin Hussein Guled, a close associate of president Mohamud, was appointed as Minister of Family and Human Rights.

Following his dismissal, Abdirisak issued a statement on social media, citing differences with the government over addressing grievances in Hiiraan and tensions with the HirShabelle administration.

“People may wonder why my dismissal occurred now, despite my close ties with the President. The decision stems from disagreements on resolving the longstanding grievances of the people of Hiiraan toward HirShabelle’s leadership,” he wrote.

Abdirisak also referenced unresolved disputes dating back to HirShabelle’s formation, including the designation of its capital and parliamentary representation.

The end of the political journey

Abdirisak’s political journey is closely tied to President Mohamud. A Somali-Canadian and a former taxi driver from Ottawa, Canada, he rose to prominence as one of Mohamud’s most trusted allies.

He first served in president Mohamud’s cabinet as Minister of Security during the 2012–2016 term.

Their relationship was not built on educational or professional connections but on familial ties—Abdirisak comes from the family of president Mohamud’s mother.

When Mohamud returned to office in May 2022, Abdirisak secured the petroleum ministry after reportedly promising to share the profits from oil and gas contracts with the president.

Allegations suggest that Mohamud’s first wife was also involved in managing these deals.

Now, with their alliance fractured and Abdirisak removed, questions linger over what will become of the millions of dollars allegedly lost.

In Somalia, corruption rarely leads to accountability. Instead, power dynamics shift, and the cycle continues.

For the new Minister of Petroleum, Dahir Shire Mohamed, the message is clear: any future funds must be fully surrendered to the president and his influential first lady.

As for Abdirisak, only time will tell whether this marks the end of his political career or merely a temporary setback.

For now, his fall from grace serves as another reminder of the pervasive corruption that continues to define Somali politics.

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