The map highlighted Puntland and Somaliland in light blue, which the map’s legend designates as territories viewed by Israel and the United Arab Emirates as allies.

Conversely, Somalia and the SSC-Khatumo (North East) administration were shaded light green, linked to an alliance dubbed the ‘Sunni Diamond,’ which the map noted includes Turkey, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan.

This map was displayed behind Netanyahu as he addressed threats to Israel’s national security and opportunities to expand regional partnerships.

This development has raised questions regarding how Israel views Somalia, the UAE’s influence in Puntland and Somaliland, and the political implications of depicting SSC-Khatumo separately from Somaliland.

A prominent feature of the map is the inclusion of Puntland within the zone designated as friendly to Israel and the UAE.

Puntland maintains long-standing security and economic ties with the UAE, particularly regarding the port of Bosaso, military training, and security operations.

These ties afford the UAE significant economic and strategic leverage in northeastern Somalia.

Somaliland appears on the map under a different context than Puntland, following Israel’s announcement on December 26, 2025, recognizing Somaliland’s independence.

That move sparked intense diplomatic controversy, with the Federal Government of Somalia rejecting the recognition and reiterating its commitment to preserving Somalia’s unity and territorial integrity.

Somaliland is strategically situated along the Gulf of Aden near Yemen and the Bab al-Mandab strait—a vital corridor for international maritime trade, shipping security, and regional power competition.

The UAE also maintains economic and strategic interests in Somaliland, notably through its investment in the port of Berbera via DP World.

The alignment of Israeli and Emirati interests in the region may explain Somaliland’s placement within the map section highlighting partner territories.

However, the map alone does not confirm any specific bilateral agreement between the entities.

Another notable aspect is how the map depicts SSC-Khatumo (North East Somalia).

The area was categorized within the green sector linked to the ‘Sunni Diamond’ alliance, whereas Somaliland was marked in blue.

This distinction illustrates how the map categorizes political factions and territories based on its assessment of regional alignments.

This issue touches on sensitive territorial disputes in northern Somalia, particularly across the Sool, Sanaag, and Cayn regions, where competing views persist regarding governance and borders.

Somaliland claims the borders of the former British protectorate, whereas SSC-Khatumo aligns with the Federal Government of Somalia.

Consequently, representing the two areas separately on a map carries political significance, though it does not alter the legal status of the territory or determine sovereignty.

Crucially, the map originates from an analytical study authored by Marc Saxer and Marcus Schneider, published by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in May 2026.

Thus, the graphic represents political analysis rather than a legal instrument defining state boundaries.

The map links Somalia and SSC-Khatumo to the ‘Sunni Diamond’ concept, which includes Turkey, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan.

These nations maintain distinct interests regarding regional security, the Red Sea, and the Middle Eastern balance of power.

Turkey maintains extensive defense and economic cooperation with the Federal Government of Somalia.

Egypt focuses on Horn of Africa security and Nile water security. Saudi Arabia prioritizes Red Sea maritime stability, while Pakistan maintains diplomatic and security interests across the Muslim world.

However, the ‘Sunni Diamond’ label used in the map does not in itself establish that these four nations operate under a unified military treaty or maintain identical postures on Somali affairs.

The map offers a conceptual framework of evolving regional alignments, though these relationships remain bound to each nation’s specific national interests.

The UAE has systematically sought to project economic and strategic influence across the Horn of Africa through investments and security partnerships in key ports and maritime infrastructure.

Bosaso and Berbera hold major geopolitical value due to their proximity to vital global shipping corridors.

The UAE’s relationship with Puntland has also emerged as a political factor influencing relations between Garowe and Mogadishu, particularly regarding security pacts, port management, and federal jurisdiction over international agreements.

Similarly, UAE engagement with Somaliland centers heavily on the port of Berbera and commercial operations there.

Viewed through Netanyahu’s map presentation, the UAE serves as a key variable in understanding why Puntland and Somaliland were categorized within specific regional alignment blocs.

The Horn of Africa functions as a strategic bridge linking the Red Sea, the Gulf of Aden, and the Indian Ocean.

The Bab al-Mandab strait remains essential for maritime traffic connecting Asia, Europe, and Africa.

Israel seeks to secure Red Sea transit routes and mitigate threats to commercial shipping.

Somaliland’s position across from Yemen gives it specific relevance to maritime security along that corridor.

For its part, the UAE maintains commercial, port, and security interests spanning the regional coastline, while Turkey and Egypt aim to safeguard their security interests and political leverage.

Somalia thus sits at the intersection of competing global interests. While the map attempts to illustrate how these actors align from an analytical perspective, it does not confirm formal, joint policy decisions among all parties.

Graphics of this nature can reignite debates over Somali unity, federal-state relations, and the authority of regional administrations to enter into independent agreements with foreign entities.

Presenting such a map during a high-level briefing on Israeli national security carries political weight, reflecting how strategic leadership visualizes regional dynamics and interests.

Nevertheless, analytical map depictions must be distinguished from formal diplomatic determinations.

The map does not alter recognized international borders, nor does it confirm that Puntland has entered into formal agreements with Israel.

For Somalia, this highlights the necessity of a unified foreign policy, sustained dialogue between the federal government and regional states, and a clear framework for managing foreign investment and security agreements.

The post Netanyahu’s Map Includes Puntland and Somaliland Among the Allies of Israel and the UAE appeared first on Kaab TV.

He argued that recognizing Somaliland could prompt Somalia to demand the expulsion of Ethiopian troops from its territory, creating an opportunity for Al-Shabaab to launch attacks against both Somaliland and Ethiopia.

However, Somaliland’s representative to Israel, Mohamed Omar Haji Mohamoud, rejected this perspective, asserting that recognizing Somaliland would yield significant security, economic, and regional strategic benefits for Ethiopia, rather than posing a security risk.

In an interview with the Israeli media outlet i24NEWS, the Ethiopian ambassador addressed the obstacles hindering Ethiopia’s recognition of Somaliland, expressing concern over the potential impact such a move would have on relations between Addis Ababa and Mogadishu, as well as the future of Ethiopian forces deployed in Somalia.

He contended that if Ethiopia were to recognize Somaliland at this junction, Somalia might choose to demand the withdrawal of Ethiopian troops—a scenario he warned would generate a security vacuum that Al-Shabaab could exploit to threaten both Somaliland and Ethiopia.

On his part, Somaliland’s envoy to Israel, Mohamed Haji, maintained that recognizing Somaliland would bring strategic and security advantages to Ethiopia rather than creating new hazards.

‘I am convinced that the opposite is true. Ethiopia stands to gain immense strategic, economic, and security benefits from recognizing Somaliland, without incurring any security risks,’ said Mohamed Haji.

He added that Somalia’s retaliatory measures against Ethiopia are more detrimental than Somaliland’s recognition, arguing that Mogadishu is strengthening ties with nations rivaling Ethiopia and providing them with opportunities to advance their interests in the region.

The Somaliland ambassador stated that recognizing Somaliland would enable Ethiopia to strengthen its regional influence and secure a reliable strategic ally in the Horn of Africa.

He also argued that Somaliland has long demonstrated resilience and the capacity to prevent Al-Shabaab and pirates from establishing safe havens, noting that Somaliland’s local administration and security efforts make it a strategic ally that can benefit Ethiopia rather than pose a security burden.

Mohamed Haji further stated that African forces stationed in Somalia cannot be expected to remain indefinitely, calling for advanced planning for the scenario that will arise once those forces depart.

He contended that recognizing Somaliland would reinforce Ethiopia’s security, accelerate economic growth, and enhance Ethiopia’s geopolitical leverage in the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea region.

The post Ethiopia links Al-Shabaab to Somaliland recognition, Hargeisa responds. appeared first on Kaab TV.

Those statements triggered widespread political reactions and reignited fresh hope among citizens regarding Somaliland’s ongoing efforts to secure international recognition.

The celebrations erupted after reports and viral video footage circulated across social media platforms, showing citizens celebrating Trump’s statements, with his portrait and the United States flag displayed across several prominent buildings in Hargeisa.

The public display was widely interpreted as a demonstration of support and growing optimism that relations between Somaliland and the United States could reach a new strategic milestone.

Donald Trump delivered these remarks on October 12, 2026, while addressing a political campaign rally in Youngstown, Ohio.

During his address, he characterized Somaliland as distinct from Somalia while also suggesting that its name should be modified to avoid confusion.

Trump’s statements swiftly dominated news outlets and social media platforms, particularly in Somaliland, where persistent diplomatic campaigns have long been underway to secure formal international recognition.

A cross-section of Somaliland citizens viewed the U.S. President’s remarks as a major political developments, believing that such explicit validation from a powerful global leader could significantly elevate international awareness regarding Somaliland’s political status and sovereignty claims.

However, Trump’s remarks were not delivered as a formal decision recognizing Somaliland, nor were they accompanied by an explicit declaration stating that the United States government has altered its recognition policy.

Somaliland’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation issued a press release on October 13 welcoming Trump’s remarks, describing them as reflective of the political reality that Somaliland has long advocated.

The press statement noted that Somaliland possesses defined borders, a constitution, a democratically elected government, and its own state institutions, having functioned as a self-governing entity for over thirty years.

The Somaliland administration also expressed a strong desire to deepen relations with the United States, particularly in security, trade, investment, and regional cooperation.

The Somaliland government has long maintained that its sovereignty is rooted in historical precedent, asserting that it gained independence on June 26, 1960, prior to unifying with former Italian Somaliland.

Somaliland contends that it reclaimed its independence on May 18, 1991, following the collapse of Somalia’s central government.

Although Trump’s comments generated optimism and jubilation in Somaliland, a clear distinction must be drawn between political commentary and formal state recognition.

The legal recognition of a sovereign state requires a definitive, official executive act by the government concerned.

The U.S. President’s characterization of Somaliland as a place distinct from Somalia was not accompanied by an official announcement from Washington formally recognizing Somaliland as an independent state.

Consequently, the celebrations in Hargeisa appear driven by the anticipation that Trump’s remarks could open new diplomatic avenues, rather than celebrating a formal declaration of recognition issued by the United States.

In recent years, Somaliland has invested intense efforts into securing political and diplomatic support from the United States and other foreign powers.

The Hargeisa administration has repeatedly emphasized that Somaliland’s strategic location, extensive coastline, and the Port of Berbera are crucial for international trade and maritime security across the Gulf of Aden corridor.

Conversely, the United States maintains vital security and strategic interests in the Horn of Africa, including counter-terrorism operations, safeguarding commercial shipping, and ensuring the stability of maritime choke points critical to global trade flows.

The Somaliland government anticipates that these intersecting priorities could pave the way for expanded bilateral cooperation with Washington, though it remains unconfirmed whether Trump’s remarks will translate into a formal shift in U.S. foreign policy.

Another point arising from Trump’s statement is his recommendation that Somaliland modify its national name.

This suggestion has ignited intense debate among citizens and political figures in Somaliland, with many viewing the name ‘Somaliland’ as a historic and political symbol that cannot easily be relinquished.

Proponents of Somaliland’s independence insist that the name is intrinsically tied to the territory’s distinct history and its long-standing quest for international recognition.

On the other hand, Trump’s remarks have revived broader debate regarding how Somaliland should navigate its strategic engagement with the United States and its overarching recognition campaign.

The Somaliland issue has long served as a central point of political contention between the Hargeisa administration and the Federal Government of Somalia.

The Federal Government continues to firmly uphold the unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of Somalia, whereas Somaliland maintains that it is an independent state that successfully reclaimed its historic sovereignty.

Trump’s remarks therefore carry political significance that extends far beyond the public celebrations in Hargeisa, as they reignite the broader debate regarding the future trajectory of relations between Somaliland, Somalia, and the United States.

The celebrations in Hargeisa underscore the paramount importance that international recognition holds for a significant segment of the Somaliland public.

Any statement issued by leaders of major global powers possesses the potential to profoundly influence the political aspirations of a population that has long strived for formal international recognition.

The post Celebrations in Hargeisa Intensify Following Donald Trump’s Remarks on Somaliland appeared first on Kaab TV.

The Director-General of the Somaliland Ministry of Information, Abdisalan Ilkacase, stated that the ministry granted no approval for the conference and was previously unaware of plans to convene it.

“As a ministry, we declare here that this conference does not have our approval, we are unaware of it, and it does not constitute a legitimate conference that reflects Somaliland laws upon our evaluation,” said Abdisalan Ilkacase.

The Director noted that this matter has been clarified to the officials of the Awdal region and anyone concerned, while also questioning the rationale behind choosing Borama as the venue for the conference planned by the Somaliland press community.

This statement has sparked reactions from various politicians, intellectuals, and commentators on social and media affairs.

Legal expert Guuleed Dafac questioned why a conference being held in the Awdal region is being viewed with suspicion, highlighting the historical significance of the city of Borama.

“If it is said that we are holding a conference in Awdal, is it being viewed with suspicion? How astonishing.

Now, this place is Awdal, which is where Somaliland was founded,” said Guuleed Dafac.

Former Somaliland Minister of Constitutional Affairs, Cabdinaasir Buuni, also criticized the Ministry of Information’s remarks in a post published on his Facebook page.

“Unfortunately, when did Borama become Mogadishu?” Buuni wrote in his post.

Renowned poet Yusuf Shaacir also reacted to the Ministry of Information’s stance, questioning the legal authority of the ministry to halt or obstruct a conference that journalists are holding in the city of Borama.

This debate coincides with a time when the Somaliland media community and press freedom organizations have expressed deep concern over recent arrests targeting journalists and individuals closely working with the media.

The Somaliland Journalists Association (SOLJA) and other press freedom advocacy groups previously stated that the arrests of journalists have sparked apprehension regarding the state of free speech and media independence.

These organizations called for any allegations against journalists to be handled through proper legal procedures, while upholding fundamental rights and press freedom.

Consequently, the conference that the Somaliland media community plans to hold in Borama has become a subject of political debate and discussions on press freedom, after the Ministry of Information stated it had granted no approval, while various politicians and commentators questioned the rationale behind opposing the conference and the legal jurisdiction of the ministry.

Thus far, the core debate centers on the authorization of the conference, the reason Borama was chosen as the venue, and the role of the Ministry of Information regarding meetings convened by the press community.

The post Somaliland Government Opposes Press Conference in Borama appeared first on Kaab TV.

The Somaliland delegation included the Minister of Interior and Security of Somaliland, Abdalle Mohamed Arab; the Director General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Mohamed Abdirahman Hassan; and the Commander of the Fire Brigade, Brigadier General Ahmed Mohamed Hassan, known as Sawaaxili.

The conference featured issues related to how various countries and organizations can improve their disaster prevention capabilities and how emergency response agencies can be prepared when emergencies occur.

The meeting was attended by officials and representatives from various countries and international organizations, with discussions addressing the challenges arising from natural disasters and other emergency situations.

Particular focus was placed on the importance of creating advance preparedness plans for disasters, strengthening relief agencies, and sharing experiences and techniques among countries to minimize losses resulting from emergency situations.

Somaliland participated in the event with its delegation representing institutions responsible for internal affairs, foreign affairs, security, and fire services.

During the meeting, the establishment of the World Alliance for Disaster Management (WADM) was announced, aimed at strengthening cooperation and the exchange of expertise in disaster prevention and management.

According to information provided by Somaliland, Somaliland became one of the founding members of this alliance, alongside Taiwan and 11 countries that maintain diplomatic relations with Taiwan as part of the organization.

The stated objective of the alliance is to strengthen cooperation in disaster prevention, emergency relief, public safety, and the sharing of expertise among member nations and organizations.

The Somaliland delegation also participated in a forum titled “Resilient Taiwan for Sustainable Democracy,” held in Taipei.

This forum presented matters related to societal resilience, emergency preparedness, and how government institutions and society can be better equipped to respond to threats and disasters.

Taiwanese President Lai Ching-te announced the establishment of the World Alliance for Disaster Management (WADM) at the event, basing the new alliance on cooperation among members participating in the initiative.

During the delegation’s stay in Taiwan, Somaliland’s Minister of Internal Affairs and Security, Abdalle Mohamed Arab, held a meeting with Taiwan’s President, Lai Ching-te.

The meeting, held at the Presidential Office in Taiwan, addressed bilateral relations and cooperation, specifically touching on issues including security, public safety, natural hazard management, and institutional cooperation.

The meeting was also part of the broader series of engagements and discussions that the Somaliland delegation held with Taiwanese officials during their visit to the country.

The participation of the Somaliland delegation in these events held in Taipei comes at a time when Somaliland and Taiwan have recently developed multifaceted relations and cooperation

Both sides previously established representative offices, with their cooperation expanding into sectors including education, healthcare, agriculture, technology, and institutional development.

Taiwan is also interested in strengthening its international relations and cooperation with entities that support its global ties.

From Somaliland’s perspective, relations with Taiwan are viewed as part of its efforts to broaden its international relations and cooperation.

Natural disasters and emergency situations require security agencies, healthcare services, fire departments, and local authorities to collaborate in relief and rescue operations.

Therefore, international conferences discussing disaster management hold particular importance for exchanging expertise, training, and modern technologies used in early warning systems, emergency relief, and post-disaster recovery.

Somaliland stated that its participation in this forum forms part of efforts to enhance the capacity of local institutions to respond to emergency situations and safeguard public safety.

The delegation’s involvement also provides Somaliland officials an opportunity to meet with officials and representatives from other countries and organizations to share expertise on hazard prevention and disaster management.

Thus, the Taiwan conference served as a platform to discuss international cooperation on public safety and emergency preparedness, with Somaliland noting that it is among the founding entities of the newly formed WADM alliance.

The post Somaliland Attends Disaster Management Gathering in Taiwan appeared first on Kaab TV.

The blast occurred at a business premises in the Isha Boorama neighborhood, with the injured reportedly taken to Hargeisa General Hospital for treatment.

Somaliland security officials said the explosion involved a hand grenade being carried by four soldiers who had recently returned from the Oog front lines.

According to the officials, the grenade accidentally detonated, seriously injuring two of the soldiers. Police cordoned off the area and launched an investigation into the circumstances surrounding the incident.

The post Hargeisa Blast Injures Two Soldiers, Police Launch Investigations appeared first on Kaab TV.

The post Somaliland, AFRICOM Discuss Maritime Security appeared first on Kaab TV.

Barre is visiting Las Anod to mark the first anniversary of the SSC-Khaatumo administration’s recognition as Somalia’s Northeastern State.

On Monday night, he attended anniversary celebrations and delivered a speech highlighting Mogadishu’s political backing for the administration, describing it as a symbol of Somalia’s unity.

“We have a longer ambition here. The reason we support you and stand with you is that we have a longer-term plan here,” Barre said during his roughly 30-minute address.

Despite the significance of the prisoner issue, the prime minister made no public reference during his speech to the estimated 300 Somaliland-born prisoners being held in Las Anod.

His visit comes at a time of growing frustration among Northeastern State politicians, who have complained that Mogadishu has failed to deliver on promises of financial support.

Local leaders have criticized the federal government for excluding the administration from Somalia’s 2026 national budget and for failing to provide sustained funding for its security forces despite repeated commitments.

Barre sought to reassure local leaders that federal assistance would eventually arrive, arguing that financial constraints had prevented the government from fulfilling earlier promises.

On Monday, the outgoing prime minister also met with traditional clan elders in Las Anod.

However, the meeting was notable for the absence of Chief Garad Jama Garad Ali, the most senior traditional leader of the Dhulbahante community.

According to sources familiar with the discussions, Barre privately urged the elders to release prisoners captured from Somaliland during the 2023 conflict.

The request was reportedly rejected, leaving the prisoner issue deadlocked.

Both Somaliland and Northeastern State continue to hold prisoners captured during the eight-month conflict over Las Anod in 2023, when Dhulbahante fighters battled Somaliland forces for control of the city.

A prisoner exchange agreement brokered last year with mediation from the Federal Government of Somalia and Puntland resulted in the release of up to 25 detainees from each side.

However, negotiations over the remaining prisoners have since stalled.

Sources say Northeastern State has insisted that Somaliland must first acknowledge the administration as a federal member state of Somalia before any broader prisoner release can take place.

Somaliland, however, continues to regard Las Anod as part of its Sool region and rejects the area’s incorporation into Somalia’s federal system.

Last month Las Anod-based Northeastern Assembly called for the prosecution of the Somaliland prisoners.

That call contradicted a previous statement by the Speaker of the Northeastern Assembly, Aden Abdullahi, who said that prisoners to be freed once a peace deal is reached.

As of Tuesday evening, the Prime Minister’s Office had not publicly commented on the reported request or the outcome of the discussions.

The post Attempt to Free Somaliland Prisoners in Las Anod Hits Roadblock appeared first on Kaab TV.

Over the past months, senior U.S. officials have intensified contacts with Puntland, Somaliland and Jubaland, focusing on security cooperation, counterterrorism, maritime security and the growing strategic importance of the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea.

The renewed engagement comes at a time when Somalia’s security transition has faced serious setbacks. Despite billions of dollars in international assistance, the Somali Federal Government has struggled to deliver decisive progress against Al-Shabaab, while political disputes between Mogadishu and federal member states have weakened national cohesion and diverted attention from the fight against extremist groups.

For Washington and its allies, the security environment is becoming increasingly complex. The threat is no longer limited to Al-Shabaab. ISIS-linked militants in Puntland, piracy concerns in the Gulf of Aden, instability around the Red Sea, and geopolitical competition among global powers have increased the strategic importance of Somalia’s coastline and regional actors.

U.S. Engagement with Puntland: Counterterrorism and Maritime Security

The latest U.S.-Puntland engagement has been among the most significant.

A U.S. delegation led by Major General Claude K. Tudor Jr., the commander of special operations for U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM), met with Puntland President Said Abdullahi Deni in Bosaso.

During the visit, Puntland and the United States signed a security cooperation agreement allowing Washington to expand its facility in Bosaso to support counterterrorism operations and maritime security.

The agreement comes after years of U.S. support for Puntland’s campaign against ISIS militants in the Cal Miskaad mountains of Bari region.

From 2024 to 2025, U.S. assistance included airstrikes, intelligence sharing and logistical support to Puntland forces fighting ISIS. Puntland forces later announced that they had recaptured several areas previously controlled by ISIS after months of operations supported by international partners.

The President of the #Puntland State, @HESaidADeni , together with ministers, military officers, and advisors, held a meeting in Bosaso with a delegation from the #USA especially @USAfricaCommand , led by Major General Claude Tudor, Commander of #AFRICOM Special Operations. pic.twitter.com/xC4b63LACx

— Puntland State House (@Plstatehouse) August 2, 2026

The U.S. focus on Puntland reflects the region’s strategic importance. Puntland sits along the Gulf of Aden, close to one of the world’s most important maritime chokepoints, the Bab al-Mandab Strait, where instability could affect global shipping and energy supplies.

Somaliland: Strategic Maritime Partnership

Major General Tudor also met Somaliland President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi (Irro) during his Horn of Africa tour.

The discussions focused on security cooperation, maritime security and shared strategic interests in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden.

Somaliland emphasized its more than 850-kilometer coastline and the strategic importance of Berbera, which sits near major international shipping routes.

The engagement highlights Somaliland’s growing importance in regional security calculations. While Somaliland remains internationally unrecognized as an independent state, its geographic position and relative stability have made it increasingly relevant to discussions about maritime security, counterterrorism and regional stability.

The United States has previously assessed the strategic value of Berbera as part of broader efforts to improve maritime awareness and monitor threats in the Red Sea and Bab al-Mandab.

Jubaland and the Return of Regional Security Partnerships

Jubaland has also remained an important security partner for the United States due to its location along the Kenyan border and its role in countering Al-Shabaab.

The region has historically been a frontline in Somalia’s fight against the militant group, particularly in areas around Lower Juba and Kismayo.

U.S. engagement with Jubaland has traditionally focused on security cooperation, including support for local forces fighting Al-Shabaab and efforts to prevent extremist networks from exploiting border areas.

As Al-Shabaab continues to adapt its strategy, maintaining relationships with capable regional security actors has become increasingly important.

Why a Dual-Track Approach Could Be Necessary

For years, international partners have invested heavily in strengthening Somalia’s Federal Government as the central authority responsible for defeating Al-Shabaab and rebuilding state institutions.

However, the results have been disappointing.

Al-Shabaab remains a powerful insurgency with significant territorial influence, taxation networks and the ability to carry out major attacks. Somalia’s national security forces have struggled with coordination problems, political interference and limited operational capacity.

At the same time, relations between Mogadishu and federal member states have deteriorated. Political disputes over constitutional reforms, elections and resource-sharing have weakened cooperation between the federal and regional levels.

The result has been a security strategy built around a government that has not yet developed the political and institutional capacity required to manage Somalia’s complex security environment.

This reality has forced international partners to reconsider whether a Mogadishu-only approach is sufficient.

The emerging pattern of U.S. engagement has led some analysts to argue that Washington is once again embracing a dual-track approach in Somalia.

As Nairobi-based analyst Rashid Abdi noted, “The U.S. military is actively stepping up ‘dual-track diplomacy’ to deepen cooperation with strategic Somali territories — Somaliland, Puntland and Jubaland.”

The three are crucial US partners and deemed more active in the fight against terrorist groups in the Horn,” Rashid wrote.

Puntland has been at the forefront of operations against ISIS-linked militants in the Cal Miskaad mountains, while Jubaland remains a key frontline region in the fight against Al-Shabaab due to its location along Somalia’s southern border. Somaliland, meanwhile, has gained strategic importance because of its long coastline, the port of Berbera and its proximity to the Red Sea and Bab al-Mandab maritime corridor.

The growing U.S. focus on these regions reflects a broader security calculation: defeating terrorist networks and protecting strategic waterways requires cooperation with actors that have operational presence on the ground.

Rather than replacing engagement with Mogadishu, a renewed dual-track model would acknowledge Somalia’s federal reality and allow Washington to work simultaneously with national and regional institutions to address increasingly complex threats.

The dual-track approach is not a rejection of Somalia’s federal government. Instead, it recognizes the reality that Somalia’s regions possess different security capabilities, political dynamics and strategic importance.

During previous years, the United States engaged directly with regional administrations while maintaining relations with Mogadishu. That approach allowed Washington to support security actors on the ground while encouraging Somalia’s federal system to develop.

A renewed dual-track model could provide several advantages

First, it could strengthen counterterrorism operations.

Regional forces in Puntland, Jubaland and other areas have direct knowledge of local terrain, communities and militant networks. Supporting capable local partners could improve the fight against Al-Shabaab and ISIS.

Second, it could improve maritime security.

With piracy risks returning and instability spreading around the Red Sea, coastal regions such as Puntland and Somaliland have become critical partners in protecting international shipping routes.

Third, it could respond faster to emerging threats.

The Horn of Africa is increasingly affected by competition involving regional and global powers, arms trafficking, extremist networks and instability linked to the Red Sea crisis.

A New Reality in the Horn of Africa

The Horn of Africa is entering a new strategic era. The Red Sea has become a major arena of geopolitical competition, while extremist groups continue exploiting weak governance and security gaps.

The international community cannot afford a security strategy based only on political preferences in Mogadishu while ignoring realities on the ground.

A balanced dual-track approach could allow the United States and its partners to work with all capable Somali actors while continuing to support Somalia’s federal institutions.

The goal should not be to weaken Somalia’s national government, but to strengthen the country’s ability to confront threats that no single institution can defeat alone.

The recent U.S. engagements with Puntland, Somaliland and Jubaland suggest a recognition that Somalia’s security future depends on broader partnerships. After years of limited progress against terrorism and growing instability around the Red Sea, revisiting a dual-track approach may no longer be a political choice — it may be a strategic necessity.

The post Why U.S. Is Rebuilding Somalia’s Dual-Track Model? appeared first on Kaab TV.

The post Somaliland: Prisoner Release Hinges on Final Las Anod Agreement appeared first on Kaab TV.