Government and aviation officials told Hiiraan Online that the flights mark the initial phase of a broader pullout of UAE equipment from the capital, following Somalia’s decision earlier this week to cancel security and defense agreements linked to the Emirates.

Two additional aircraft are expected to arrive in Mogadishu on Friday to complete the removal, the sources said.

Officials briefed on the process said the withdrawal followed disputes between Somali and Emirati authorities over procedures, including documentation and authorization requirements.

UAE officials initially resisted directives from the Somali government, the sources said, but later complied by submitting flight manifests and other required paperwork before clearance was granted.

The drawdown comes days after Somalia’s federal Cabinet voted to annul all security, defense, and cooperative agreements connected to the ports of Berbera, Bosaso, and Kismayo, citing what it described as serious violations of Somalia’s sovereignty, national unity, and political independence.

The decision followed an investigation by Somalia’s Immigration and Citizenship Agency into the alleged unauthorized use of Somali airspace and territory related to the movements of Aidarous al-Zubaidi, head of Yemen’s Southern Transitional Council, a UAE-backed separatist group.

The Saudi-led coalition fighting in Yemen has accused al-Zubaidi of defying orders to travel to Riyadh for talks and instead mobilizing forces toward Al-Dhale in southwestern Yemen.

Coalition spokesperson Maj. Gen. Turki al-Maliki later alleged that al-Zubaidi fled the southern Yemeni city of Aden by sea before leaving the region by air, with Abu Dhabi facilitating his transit through Somali territory.

According to al-Maliki, al-Zubaidi boarded a flight accompanied by aides “under the supervision of UAE officers.” The Southern Transitional Council has denied the allegation, insisting its leader remains in Aden.

Strains in relations are also unfolding amid a broader diplomatic context. Last month, Israel became the first country to formally recognize Somaliland as an independent state—a move Somalia strongly rejected.

Reports citing Israeli officials said the recognition was facilitated by Abu Dhabi, further heightening tensions between Mogadishu and the UAE.

The Emirates has long maintained close economic and security ties with Somaliland, including a $442 million investment by Dubai-based logistics firm DP World to develop and operate the Port of Berbera.

Somalia’s federal government considers Somaliland part of its internationally recognized territory and has repeatedly opposed foreign agreements concluded without its consent.

The visible withdrawal of UAE equipment from Mogadishu underscores a sharp escalation in tensions between the two governments and signals a possible recalibration of the Emirates’ on-the-ground presence in federal Somalia, even as its influence remains strong within regional administrations.

Somali officials say the government remains open to international cooperation, but only under arrangements that fully respect Somalia’s unity, sovereignty, and constitutional authority—a stance now being tested as one of Mogadishu’s most influential foreign partners scales back its presence.

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U.S. forces work alongside the Somali Federal Government’s security forces, carrying out special operations, providing military advice, and conducting airstrikes.

However, the United States does not regularly disclose information about casualties, targets, or the actual impact of its operations, raising questions about the level of transparency surrounding military activities in Somalia.

A report published by Fox News indicated that Somalia is among the locations where the United States is waging one of its quietest wars, as information about airstrikes and operations against Al-Shabaab and ISIS is often released only after the fact or not disclosed at all.

The U.S. presence in Somalia began in the 1990s but intensified after 2017, when the United States increased airstrikes and deployed special forces to support the fight against terrorist groups. Although most U.S. troops were ordered to withdraw in 2020, hundreds of soldiers were redeployed in 2022.

In early 2025, U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth stated that Africa, particularly Somalia, remains an important battleground, though the United States is reviewing its military presence.

As the fight against Al-Shabaab and ISIS continues, the lack of official information regarding casualties and the outcomes of U.S. operations continues to fuel debate over transparency and accountability in military operations in Somalia.

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These missions are smaller and quieter than the post-9/11 wars that once defined U.S. foreign policy. There are no troop surges, no primetime addresses. Yet American service members continue to conduct raids, launch airstrikes, and intercept enemy fire under war authorities passed more than two decades ago — long after public attention has moved on. The wars did not end; they simply faded from view.

As of June, some 40,000 U.S. troops remain stationed in the Middle East, a reminder that America’s military footprint has shrunk but never disappeared.

Syria: The war that never formally ended

About 900 U.S. troops remain in eastern Syria, conducting counterterrorism operations against the Islamic State and defending themselves against Iranian-backed militias.

Officially, the mission is a stabilization effort following ISIS’ territorial defeat. In reality, U.S. forces still face rocket, drone, and indirect-fire attacks, especially as regional tensions rise. Working alongside the Syrian Democratic Forces, they target ISIS cells responsible for assassinations, ambushes, and prison breaks.

The mission drew attention in December when two National Guardsmen and one American contractor were killed by a suspected ISIS fighter. U.S. airstrikes and special operations raids continue even as Syria has largely disappeared from the national conversation.

There is no declared war, no defined end state — yet American troops operate in an active combat environment.

The U.S. military entered Syria in 2014, launching airstrikes and deploying special operations forces to support local partners against ISIS. U.S. forces expanded alongside Kurdish-led units in eastern Syria during the fight to dismantle ISIS’ caliphate.

After ISIS lost its territory in 2019, Washington reduced its presence but retained several hundred troops to prevent a resurgence and counter Iranian-backed militias. Despite repeated calls for withdrawal, U.S. forces have remained for more than a decade, operating under post-9/11 authorities never formally repealed.

Iraq: A war winding down, but not finished

Under a 2024 agreement with Baghdad, Washington has begun drawing down forces and transferring responsibility for countering ISIS to Iraqi security forces. The coalition plans to reduce its footprint by roughly 20% of the remaining 900 troops, consolidate forces mainly in the Kurdish region, and conclude its mission by September.

Even amid the drawdown, U.S. forces face threats from Iranian-backed militias, retaining authority to defend themselves and strike ISIS targets if necessary.

The Iraq war no longer resembles the conflict of the 2000s. But American troops remain deployed, armed, and active in a country where risk persists. U.S. forces initially entered Iraq in 2003, toppling Saddam Hussein and fighting through years of counterinsurgency before formally ending combat operations in 2011. They returned in 2014 to counter ISIS, gradually narrowing their mission from combat to advisory roles.

Somalia: America’s quietest war

Few Americans realize the U.S. is still conducting one of its most persistent counterterrorism campaigns in Somalia.

U.S. special operations forces assist Somali troops against al-Shabab, an al Qaeda-linked terrorist group, with airstrikes regularly conducted, though often underreported. There is no large troop presence and little media coverage, but the fighting continues.

U.S. military involvement dates to the early 1990s humanitarian intervention. After the 1994 “Black Hawk Down” incident, forces withdrew, only to return in the 2000s through counterterrorism strikes and advisory roles. The presence expanded after 2017, shifted to an “over-the-horizon” posture in 2020, then partially redeployed in 2022 under the Biden administration. Today, roughly 500 U.S. troops remain in Somalia, maintaining an ongoing counterterrorism mission.

Yemen: A war Americans are fighting without realizing it

The U.S. has no base presence in Yemen but frequently engages with Iran-backed Houthi rebels. Naval and air forces intercept missiles and drones targeting Red Sea and Gulf of Aden shipping lanes, putting American personnel in direct combat.

In spring 2025, U.S. forces launched a weekslong campaign against Houthi targets, striking over 1,000 sites linked to missile, drone, and weapons infrastructure to protect trade and deter escalation.

Operation Southern Spear: Counter-narcotics in the Caribbean and Eastern Pacific

The U.S. has conducted 28 strikes on alleged narco-trafficking boats near Venezuela, killing 103 people. South and Central America now host the largest U.S. military buildup in decades, including 15% of naval assets and the USS Gerald R. Ford. While operations have avoided strikes on Venezuelan soil, the scale of forces underscores how quickly a counter-narcotics mission could escalate into a more overt confrontation.

None of these conflicts were formally concluded by Congress. Most continue under post-9/11 authorizations passed more than two decades ago.

While Washington has signaled potential changes, as long as Iran remains a threat, a broad U.S. withdrawal from the Middle East is unlikely.

“The days in which the Middle East dominated American foreign policy are thankfully over — not because the region no longer matters, but because it is no longer the constant source of imminent catastrophe it once was,” said the White House national security strategy in December. “It is emerging as a place of partnership, friendship, and investment — a trend that should be welcomed and encouraged.”

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The joint forces are conducting coordinated operations along the road leading to Jamaame and the banks of the Jubba River. Al-Shabaab fighters are attempting to halt the advance of the allied forces, who aim to retake the district—one of the group’s longstanding strongholds.

For the second consecutive week, government and Jubbaland forces have carried out intensive operations in areas surrounding Jamaame. Troops have now reached the vicinity of the Araare Bridge, located roughly 7 km from the town, where Al-Shabaab has established a significant defensive position.

Securing the Araare Bridge would pave the way for the allied forces to enter Jamaame for the first time since Al-Shabaab seized control in 2008. Reports indicate that residents have begun fleeing the district in anticipation of further clashes.

This joint operation marks one of the largest coordinated military offensives by Somali government and Jubbaland forces in the Lower Jubba region.

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Somalia first established Teachers’ Day on 21 November 1974, and it has been observed annually ever since.

This year’s ceremony, held at Mogadishu Stadium, was attended by senior government officials, including President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and members of his administration.

President Mohamud praised Somali teachers for their vital role in reducing illiteracy and advancing the country’s education sector.

“In this country, no one is more valuable than the Somali teacher and the Somali soldier. It is our duty to honour and support teachers, who are the backbone of societal development.

The government has already recruited 6,000 teachers who are now fully deployed across educational institutions. I urge the Ministry to swiftly complete the remaining recruitment and ensure proper training,” President Hassan said.

However, this year’s commemoration comes amid ongoing forced evictions of vulnerable families in Mogadishu, including some belonging to Somali teachers.

Just months earlier, Somali teachers held protests in Mogadishu, accusing the Ministry of Higher Education of unlawfully dismissing educators and replacing them with political loyalists.

The government has not publicly responded to these allegations.

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Since 1993, the human rights situation in Somalia has been monitored and reported on by an Independent Expert appointed by the United Nations.

The position is currently held by Ms. Isha Dyfan from Sierra Leone.

The mandate of the Independent Expert, which is renewed annually, is due to expire at the end of October 2025.

Recently, the Federal Government of Somalia requested the closure of the office of the Independent Expert on Human Rights, arguing that it no longer wished for reports documenting human rights violations in the country to be published.

President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s administration claimed that it has already established a national human rights commission, although critics describe it as lacking independence. The commission is composed of nine members, all serving as government advisers.

Independent human rights organizations working in Somalia, media associations, and international bodies have expressed deep concern that the timing of the Independent Expert’s mandate ending coincides with increased human rights violations against civilians.

The main concern, they say, is that the end of this mandate will mean the loss of internationally recognized human rights reporting on Somalia—at a time when the media faces continuous pressure and attacks from both the government and armed groups.

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Somalia formalized its bid to join the EAC bloc in March 2024. However, due to insecurity, widespread corruption, and the persistent threat of the Al-Shabaab militant group, the Horn of Africa nation has yet to enjoy the free movement benefits available within other EAC member states.

For example, neighboring Kenya recently eliminated the Electronic Travel Authorization (ETA) requirement for citizens of nearly all African and Caribbean countries — but Somalia and Libya remain exceptions to this visa-free policy due to security concerns.

On Tuesday, Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud underscored the importance of teaching Kiswahili in Somali universities.

“All universities, especially the Somali National University, should allocate significant resources to teaching Kiswahili, the language of East Africa,” President Mohamud said during the East Africa Business Forum in Mogadishu.

For his part, Somali Minister of Education Farah Abdukadir confirmed that Swahili would be incorporated into university curricula.

“We are continuing to teach Swahili — the language spoken across the East African Community — within our education system so that the number of Somalis who speak Swahili will eventually surpass those who speak English,” Minister Farah Abdukadir stated.

Swahili is spoken in more than a dozen countries, primarily across East and Central Africa, including Tanzania, Kenya, Uganda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Burundi, and Rwanda.

The EAC promotes Kiswahili as an inclusive and unifying language across the region.

However, critics in Somalia argue that the initiative contradicts the country’s Provisional Constitution, which recognizes Somali and Arabic as the two official languages, with Maay and Maxaa Tiri being the main local dialects.

“Our Constitution guarantees two official languages — Somali and Arabic — while Somali itself has two main dialects. Therefore, any change to that is unconstitutional,” said Omar Barre, a university lecturer in Mogadishu.

A university student also questioned how the new language policy could be implemented when many Somali students still lack access to free primary education.

“If the government cannot provide basic education for children, how can it afford to fund new language-learning courses at universities, which can be costly?” said Ahmed Nur, who lives in Garowe.

English, nonetheless, remains widely taught and used in higher education and commerce throughout Somalia.

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In a joint press release issued by the parties Mideeye, Mustaqbal, Sincad, and Ifiye, they stated that President Deni had unilaterally entered into an illegal agreement between Puntland and Somaliland.

The parties said that the security understanding reached between Puntland and Somaliland in Nairobi, Kenya, contradicts the constitution of Puntland.

“This agreement does not protect the interests of Puntland, nor is it in accordance with the Constitution of the Government of Puntland,” said the press release issued by the four political parties of Puntland.

The security cooperation agreement between Puntland and Somaliland, which took place in Nairobi, was announced on Sunday, with both sides agreeing to cooperate on security and combating terrorist groups.

Puntland also stated that it recognizes Somaliland’s right to self-determination, while Somaliland praised Puntland’s role in fighting terrorist groups.

However, Puntland’s political parties said today that the agreement reached between Puntland and Somaliland “only serves the idea of dividing Somalia,” according to their statement.

Meanwhile, the interim administration of Northeastern Somalia, based in Lasanod, also criticized the agreement, describing it as evidence that Puntland and Somaliland are not supportive of the existence of the Northeastern administration.

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According to the spokesperson Hussein Aadan Cige, the  Vice President was accompanied in the meeting by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Mr. Abdirahman Daahir Aadan, and the Representative of Somaliland in Sweden, Mr. Zakariye Hassan Wacays.

The members of the delegation from Sweden were:

1. Magnus Oscarsson (MP)
2. Mikael Oscarsson (MP)
3. Mathias Bengtsson (MP)
4. Dan Hovskär (MP)
5. Annicki Oscarsson (Party Official)
6. Natalie Oscarsson (Party Official)
7. Katrin Hovskär (Party Official)
8. Mikael Torstensson (Special Envoy of Somaliland in Sweden) and his wife Elisabeth Torstensson.

The purpose of the delegation from the Parliament of Sweden was to observe the situation in Somaliland regarding social development, the process of democracy, the promotion of Somaliland’s recognition efforts, peace, good governance, investment, and the cooperation opportunities that could exist between the two countries, Somaliland and Sweden.

The Vice President of the Republic of Somaliland warmly welcomed the delegation and thanked them for their visit to Somaliland.

The Vice President explained to the delegation from Sweden the historical background of Somaliland’s independence, and how the people of Somaliland, through a public referendum, irrevocably decided to reclaim their independence on 18 May 1991, following the collapse and destruction that resulted from the union between Somaliland and Somalia.

The Vice President of the Republic of Somaliland deeply emphasized that Somaliland has fulfilled all the statehood requirements necessary for the international community to recognize the Republic of Somaliland.

The Vice President urged the Government and Parliament of Sweden to play their role in supporting and encouraging the international recognition of Somaliland, as it is a state that fully deserves recognition—built upon stability, peace, and a constitutional democratic system that Somaliland has maintained for 34 years.

On the other hand, the two sides discussed specifically:

The investment opportunities in Somaliland, such as the expansion of the Berbera Port, renewable energy, livestock, agriculture, fisheries, and the development of economic infrastructure.

Cooperation in social development matters, particularly in health, water, and education.

Humanitarian issues, with the Vice President noting the Government of Somaliland’s commitment to protecting human rights and caring for vulnerable groups.

The high-level delegation from Sweden expressed deep interest and understanding of the Somaliland issue, praising the Republic of Somaliland for its peace, stability, and democratic system. The delegation pledged to initiate serious debate and campaign within the Swedish Parliament about the right of the Republic of Somaliland to become an independent nation recognized by the international community.

The delegation also stated that they would strongly urge the Government of Sweden to formally recognize Somaliland and provide full support for social development and economic infrastructure projects in the country.

In conclusion, the Vice President of the Republic of Somaliland thanked the delegation for their visit and their interest in the Somaliland cause, emphasizing that the recognition of Somaliland is a matter rooted in justice and the legitimate rights of a people that cannot be ignored.

The Vice President, who is also the Acting President, underlined that the recognition of Somaliland is of great importance to the peace and stability of the entire Horn of Africa region.

Somaliland was trying to get recognition and independent since 1991, Somaliland recently made many approaches towards getting full independent from Somalia and has made deals with Ethiopia and united Arab Emirates to improve their chances of becoming independent country.

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Such arrests violate fundamental rights and pose a serious threat to press freedom.

The Somaliland Constitution clearly guarantees freedom of expression and of the press.

For example, Article 32 states: “Every citizen shall have the freedom, in accordance with the law, to express his opinions orally, visually, artistically, or in writing, or in any other way.”

It also declares that: “The press and other media are part of the fundamental freedoms of expression and are independent. All acts to subjugate them are prohibited, and a law shall determine their regulation.”

Despite these explicit constitutional guarantees, Somaliland continues to record one of the highest numbers of journalist arrests in the region.

Hodan Mohamed Ali, a human rights attorney based in Hargeisa, says that arrests of media professionals have become rampant and recurrent.

“Arrests of journalists have become a recurring issue. There are also cases where private individuals detain journalists for reporting critically about them, and this is illegal,” Hodan told Baraarug.

According to Hodan, one of the main reasons for this problem is the absence of a professional and protective media law in Somaliland.

“In order to stop the arrests of journalists, the media law should be improved. Additionally, constitutionally guaranteed rights should be respected,” she added.

For Somalilanders, exercising freedom of expression is essential for achieving justice and building an effective state.

Hargeisa has faced chronic water shortages for years, affecting local communities’ access to clean water. Hodan notes that describing such conditions—lack of access to water or other basic services—is part of the right to freedom of expression and a fundamental human right.

Similarly, when citizens discuss issues such as inflation, rising food prices, or access to education, freedom of expression becomes a key tool for civic participation and accountability.

Hodan recommends that Somaliland accelerate the amendment of its media law and provide adequate professional training to journalists so they can better serve the public interest.

“I recommend that the amendment of the Media Act be accelerated and professionalized. Journalists should be trained and professionalized to improve their work,” Hodan concluded.

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