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Among those who fled is Fadumo Madey Moalim, 26, who arrived in Mogadishu with her four young children after leaving Jasiira village near Qoryooley last month.

Fadumo said her family fled after Al-Shabaab militants fired mortar rounds at an African Union forces base in the area.

She said the shelling was followed by heavy retaliatory bombardment by Ugandan troops and their Somali counterparts into surrounding farmland, where her family lived.

“There was fighting and we could not stay there. The same day we fled, my home was hit by a mortar round,” Fadumo told Saab TV.

She and her children are now living in Barhad-weyn camp in Kahda district, on the outskirts of Mogadishu.

Fadumo said that after spending about two weeks in the camp, her family had yet to receive humanitarian assistance.

She said local organisations were struggling to provide support because of funding cuts affecting humanitarian operations in Somalia.

Our visit to Barhad-weyn camp found families living in difficult conditions, with many lacking sufficient food, clean water, adequate shelter and access to essential services.

Children appeared particularly vulnerable, with residents reporting cases of malnutrition and limited access to healthcare.

For Fadumo, returning home is not currently an option.

“We are not going back. We shall rather stay here until the situation improves,” she said.

‘We sleep hungry here’

Maryama Mohamed Sheikh Osman, 35, is another recent arrival at the camp.

A mother of seven, Maryama fled Ugunji, near Janale, after Al-Shabaab militants raided a Somali military base in the area and reportedly killed dozens of people.

She said militants also threatened residents in the agricultural village, prompting her to leave with her children.

Maryama, who owned a small grocery and meat shop, said she relied on casual labour when her business did not generate enough income. Her former husband died years ago, leaving her responsible for supporting her children.

She arrived in Mogadishu about a week ago.

“We sleep hungry here,” Maryama said through tears.

She said she had never expected to leave her village for Mogadishu, but repeated mortar attacks and insecurity left her with little choice.

“I never thought I would come to Mogadishu, but the mortar shelling forced me and my family to flee,” she told Kaab TV.

Maryama and her children are now living in Barhad-weyn camp without regular food assistance or adequate shelter, sleeping in a makeshift shelter made of plastic sheeting and sticks.

Most of the newly displaced families arriving at the camp are women and children, who face heightened vulnerabilities after being uprooted from their homes and livelihoods.

“We wish our village would be peaceful enough for us to return,” Maryama said.

Multiple threats in Lower Shabelle

The displacement comes amid continuing insecurity in Lower Shabelle, where Al-Shabaab frequently carries out attacks and raids against military and civilian installations.

At the same time, longstanding disputes between local armed clan groups over farmland, land ownership and settlement have added another layer of insecurity.

Tensions involving members of the Biyamaal and Habar Gidir clans have periodically escalated into deadly violence, further affecting civilians and contributing to displacement.

Humanitarian organisations continue to provide assistance to vulnerable communities, but aid workers and displaced residents say the needs are far greater than the assistance currently available.

Residents of Barhad-weyn are calling on humanitarian agencies, the Somali government and the wider community to help provide food, clean water, shelter, healthcare and other essential services.

The Somali government has yet to publicly address the needs of the newly displaced families in the camp. Authorities in South West State also did not immediately comment on the security situation in Lower Shabelle.

For families such as Fadumo’s and Maryama’s, the immediate priority is survival while they wait for the security situation at home to improve.

Until then, Mogadishu remains their only refuge.

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Behind the official photographs and carefully worded speeches at last week’s African Union Support and Stabilisation Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM) ministerial meeting in Kampala, a deeper disagreement unfolded—one that diplomats and regional officials say prevented the conference from addressing what many believe is the single greatest obstacle to Somalia’s security: its unresolved political crisis.

The two-day meeting, held on 30–31 July, brought together ministers and senior military officials from AUSSOM troop-contributing countries (TCCs), alongside representatives from the African Union, IGAD, the United Nations and international partners. It followed a meeting of Chiefs of Defence on 29 July that focused on the deteriorating security situation and the mission’s worsening financial crisis after the United States withdrew its financial support earlier this year.

The expectation among many delegates was that Kampala would not only discuss military operations but also pave the way for renewed international confidence—and potentially unlock future funding for AUSSOM.

Instead, according to multiple diplomatic sources familiar with the negotiations, the conference became bogged down over a single paragraph in the draft communiqué.

Uganda’s proposal

Uganda, the largest troop contributor to AUSSOM, proposed language calling for an inclusive political dialogue among Somalia’s federal government, regional administrations and other political stakeholders.

Officials present at the meeting say the proposal reflected growing concern that military gains against Al-Shabaab cannot be sustained while Somalia remains politically divided.

The proposal reportedly received backing from representatives of IGAD, Kenya, Ethiopia, the United Nations Transitional Mission in Somalia (UNTMIS), the UN Support Office in Somalia (UNSOS) and several AU officials.

But Somalia objected.

During the ministerial session on Friday, outgoing President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud publicly insisted that the paragraph be removed from the final communiqué.

“I cannot accept the communiqué to include that paragraph,” he said during the meeting, according to delegates who attended the session.

The disputed paragraph—Paragraph Four in the draft document—called for political dialogue aimed at restoring consensus between the federal government and Somalia’s federal member states.

Its removal effectively ended hopes that the conference would produce a broader political roadmap alongside its security recommendations.

“The most critical moment”

One senior African Union official described the outcome as a missed opportunity.

“Somalia is facing one of the most critical moments in its recent history,” the official told Kaab TV.

“The AU mission is running out of funding following the U.S. withdrawal. Kampala was intended to help prevent an eventual withdrawal of AU forces that could create conditions for Al-Shabaab to expand. Without political agreement inside Somalia, that objective becomes far more difficult.”

Military officials privately acknowledged that financing was only one part of the crisis.

Several participants argued that donors have become increasingly reluctant to finance a mission operating amid growing political fragmentation in Somalia.

IGAD’s warning

IGAD Deputy Executive Secretary Mohamed Abdi Ware echoed those concerns during his address to delegates, stressing that political reconciliation was essential for lasting security.

His remarks, however, reportedly drew criticism from the Somali delegation.

Days later, Ware defended his position publicly.

2/2https://t.co/df9HExRRpu transition security of Somalia to its indigenous forces in the shortest possible time, and send the men and women of the AUSSOM Mission back to their home countries as the heroes they are. When the mission is successfully completed, They should go back… pic.twitter.com/VRyjJh73QE

— Mohamed Abdi Ware (@MAWareSO) August 3, 2026

Writing on X on Monday, he said the objective was straightforward: to enable Somalia’s own security forces to assume responsibility while allowing AUSSOM peacekeepers to return home “as heroes.”

“When the mission is successfully completed, they should go back to their home countries with their heads held high, and depart Somalia basking in glory and enjoying the undying gratitude of the Somali people,” he wrote.

Responding to criticism from Mogadishu, Ware added:

“I have no clue how such sentiments would offend anyone, let alone the government we are all trying to help avoid a precipitous, premature, and disorderly exit of peacekeepers—an eventuality that, unless avoided, would hand Al-Shabaab an enormous strategic advantage now, and for a long time.”

He also repeated a warning increasingly heard among diplomats involved in Somalia.

“Security without political legitimacy cannot endure. Political progress without security is impossible.”

A political crisis years in the making

The disagreement in Kampala reflected divisions that have been widening since 2024.

The crisis intensified after President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud pushed through amendments to Somalia’s provisional constitution, arguing that the country needed to complete the constitutional review process.

Puntland and Jubaland rejected the amendments, accusing the federal government of acting unilaterally and violating previous political agreements.

Relations between Mogadishu and both regional administrations have remained effectively frozen since then.

The dispute deepened further after the term of the Federal Parliament expired earlier this year. Parliament subsequently extended its own mandate by one year, a move that also effectively prolonged President Mohamud’s tenure until May 2027.

In June, armed clashes erupted in Mogadishu between forces aligned with the federal government and opposition groups, leaving more than ten people dead and forcing civilians to flee parts of the capital. International mediation efforts continued for weeks but failed to produce a lasting political settlement before stalling in late July.

Just before travelling to Kampala, President Mohamud also met senior U.S. AFRICOM and U.S. Embassy officials at Mogadishu’s Aden Adde International Airport. According to officials familiar with the discussions, American representatives again stressed the need for broader political consensus while warning that continued divisions were strengthening Al-Shabaab’s position.

A communiqué missing its central issue

The conference ultimately adopted a 15-point communiqué focused on security cooperation, the threat posed by Al-Shabaab, the gradual transfer of security responsibilities to Somali forces and AUSSOM’s severe funding shortfall.

Absent, however, was any reference to political dialogue between Somalia’s federal leadership and the federal member states—the very issue many delegates had hoped the meeting would confront.

Analyst Hassan Mudey believes that omission undermined the conference’s wider purpose.

“This is one of the reasons international support has weakened,” he told Kaab TV.

“The Kampala conference was supposed to address both the political and security crises. Instead, it concluded without resolving the issue that lies at the centre of Somalia’s instability.”

President Mohamud defended his position after returning to Mogadishu.

Opening Parliament on Saturday, he maintained that Somalia’s political disagreements are domestic matters and reiterated that they should not be internationalised.

“We believe the political matter is an internal issue, and we take that as homework,” he said.

Yet for many diplomats leaving Kampala, the concern was not simply what appeared in the communiqué, but what was left out. As AUSSOM confronts an increasingly uncertain financial future and Al-Shabaab continues to exploit political divisions, the conference underscored a growing consensus among Somalia’s international partners: military operations alone are unlikely to secure lasting stability without an inclusive political settlement at home.

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The new unit, named the South West Special Police Force, is reportedly being trained in security operations, countering Al-Shabaab, and protecting key government facilities.

The training is taking place at a camp on the outskirts of Baydhabo in the South West State, as well as in locations in Ethiopia.

On Saturday, President Abdiasis Hassan Mohamed Laftagareen, who visited the new force today, announced that they will operate across all areas of the South West State.

“You will defend the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and the flag of the South West State,” Laftagareen said.

He noted that Al-Shabaab continues to cause significant problems in the region and emphasized that the force is needed to clear them out.

The president also praised Ethiopia, calling them “brothers” for providing training to the new unit.

Officials from the South West State said that this new force will be part of broader efforts to strengthen security in the region, particularly in the Baay, Bakool, and Lower Shabelle areas, where Al-Shabaab attacks continue to occur.

Ethiopia has long provided military support and training to both Somalia’s federal government and its regional administrations, and is among the countries whose troops operate in Somalia.

This development comes amid ongoing security changes and military movements in parts of southern Somalia.

Meanwhile, Egypt — which has tense relations with Ethiopia — recently announced that it will send troops and weapons to Somalia.

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AFRICOM has been widely praised for its role in supporting Jubaland and Puntland in countering the militant groups al-Shabaab and ISIS, which continue to pose an imminent threat to local communities.

President Madobe thanked the officers for their security cooperation, particularly in the areas of training and counterterrorism operations, and for their key role in recent operations that led to the defeat of militants in several parts of Jubaland.

He commended the AFRICOM Special Operations forces for their bravery and close cooperation with local forces, and formally awarded them Medals of Honor and Certificates of Appreciation in recognition of their contributions to strengthening security in the region.

Despite its relatively small Special Operations presence, AFRICOM maintains close coordination with Jubaland authorities.

Last week, AFRICOM Deputy Commander Ambassador Robert Scott said Puntland, Jubaland, and Somaliland have proven to be effective partners in the fight against ISIS and al-Shabaab in Somalia.

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Meanwhile, Somaliland has received recognition from the government of Israel becoming the first country to recognside Hargeisa as a sovereign country after more than three decade of waiting. Somalia continues to refuse this move, a development that has further complicated the overall political landscape.

The spokesperson of the Somali Salvation Forum (opposition alliance), Mohamed Mohamud Diriye (Beyle), told Kaab TV that the federal government must present a clear roadmap to save the country and reach a national consensus on elections.

“We are constantly warning and calling for restraint. We are urging President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud to come to his senses,” Beyle said.

He stressed that the opposition firmly rejects any election organized unilaterally by the president, describing such a move as illegal.

“It appears to us that the president wants to conduct an election on his own, in which he would be both a contestant and a referee,” Beyle added.

In December, the federal government held a highly disputed election in Mogadishu, which was outright rejected by opposition groups. The process lacked transparency and was also opposed by the Puntland and Jubaland administrations.

Recently, the opposition-led Somali Salvation Forum announced that if no agreement on elections is reached by January 20, 2026, it will launch its own electoral roadmap, which it says is intended to rescue the country from political collapse.

The federal government has since issued a statement inviting opposition leaders to participate in a political dialogue scheduled to take place in Mogadishu.

However, in a statement released on Saturday, the opposition conditioned its participation on several requirements, foremost among them credible security guarantees.

This comes amid an ongoing political standoff between President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and the leaders of Puntland and Jubaland. The federal government has also refused to recognize Jubaland President Ahmed Mohamed Islam (Ahmed Madobe) following the regional election held in November 2024.

Beyle told Kaab TV that the opposition is categorically opposed to any attempt by President Hassan Sheikh to extend his term, arguing that he is seeking a two-year extension of his mandate.

There are growing fears that Somalia could slide into political and security instability if an inclusive political settlement is not reached, at a time when the militant group Al-Shabaab is steadily advancing closer to the capital, Mogadishu.

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The joint forces conducted planned operations at several locations west of the Buula Xaaji area, including the villages of Aaga Wadajir, Xaliimo Cadey, Boqoqaha, Karas Kukiye, and Hajini.

A statement released by the Jubbaland administration confirmed that at least 12 Al-Shabaab militants were killed during the operations. The militants were reportedly hiding in underground bunkers they had dug.

“During the operation, the forces killed more than 12 terrorists who were hiding in underground tunnels, which ultimately became their graves,” the Jubbaland statement said.

The forces also dismantled several landmines planted by the group along roads connecting the areas where the operations took place. All of these areas fall under the administration of Kismayo, the capital of the Lower Jubba region.

These operations come as the Somali National Army has intensified its campaign against Al-Shabaab militants in recent weeks, particularly in the Jubba regions and the two Shabelle regions.

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This move comes as Somalia faces an intensified offensive by the Al-Shabaab militant group, which is affiliated with the Al-Qaeda terrorist network.

According to intelligence sources, Somalia’s Director of Intelligence, Mahad Mohamed Salad—who is alleged to have links to the Muslim Brotherhood—recently undertook a secret trip to Algeria and Azerbaijan. During the visit, he reportedly carried a request from the Somali government seeking assistance in obtaining kamikaze drones.

Sources further claim that the request involved as many as 25,000 kamikaze drones.

Al-Shabaab, which has waged a nearly two-decade-long insurgency against the Somali government and African Union forces, has been advancing rapidly and expanding its presence in towns surrounding the capital, Mogadishu.

There are increasing fears that the group could threaten Mogadishu itself.

At the same time, recent talks between President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s administration and the militant group—reportedly mediated by Qatar—have collapsed. The dialogue is said to have involved elders and business figures with close ties to Al-Shabaab.

Concerns Over Kamikaze Drones

Al-Shabaab is also actively seeking suicide-capable drones.

The group has reportedly engaged in discussions with Yemen’s Houthi movement, which receives backing from Iran, in an effort to acquire such weapons.

For years, Al-Shabaab has infiltrated Somali state institutions amid widespread corruption, frequently gaining access to military equipment and sensitive intelligence. Analysts warn this could make it easier for the group to obtain kamikaze drones should they be introduced into Somalia.

The militants also regularly raid military bases, seizing weapons, ammunition, vehicles, and other equipment. As a result, there are growing concerns that advanced suicide drones brought into Mogadishu could eventually fall into extremist hands.

Iran, a key producer of kamikaze drones, remains under heavy international sanctions, with Western governments accusing Tehran of supporting global terrorism. Algeria, an Arab League member, is believed to maintain relatively strong relations with Iran.

Sources say Somalia is seeking assistance not only to finance the purchase of the drones but also to facilitate their transportation.

Kamikaze drones are unmanned aerial vehicles designed to detonate upon impact, often used in modern asymmetric warfare.

Russia has previously deployed Iranian-made kamikaze drones, including the Shahed-136 and Shahed-131, in its war against Ukraine. Iran is widely believed to have supplied these systems to Moscow for use in the conflict.

Somalia’s National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) has not officially commented on the reported request for Iranian-made kamikaze drones.

Meanwhile, Mogadishu has been gradually re-engaging with Tehran. In July 2024, the Somali government dispatched a delegation led by Prime Minister Hamza Abdi Barre to Iraq, where they are believed to have held meetings with figures including Iranian intelligence officials linked to Yemen’s Houthi movement.

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