Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s attempt to extend his term by a year, and take over the executive powers of the government will only add another layer to the country’s already complex and endless crisis—and could make it far worse.

Let’s take a closer look at Somalia’s recent history: Somalia’s powerful president, Mohamed Siad Barre, left Mogadishu on January 26, 1991, after rebel militias entered the capital and overthrown his powerful military government.

Before his departure, several attempts were made by elders and politicians to mediate between Siad Barre and the opposition.

The proposed plan, formalized in what is now known as ‘The Manifesto Communique‘, was for President Siad, who was in power for 21 years, to step down, hand over authority to a transitional civilian administration for the country and its people, and hold elections.

Unfortunately, this did not happen. The political dispute escalated into a full-blown conflict, and the government, which possessed Africa’s most powerful air, land, and sea forces, collapsed almost immediately. Its leaders ended up in exile and as refugees, and the country plunged into civil war—a civil war that made my family victims.

In the same year, 1991, one faction of the opposition appointed Mogadishu businessman Ali Mahdi Mohamed as “interim president“. However, this was immediately rejected by General Mohamed Farrah Aidid’s faction. Notably, Ali Mahdi established a constitution and even issued his own currency that circulated in parts of Mogadishu.

Mediation efforts between Ali Mahdi and General Aidid failed. This led to four months of intense street clashes, ultimately resulting in the “Green Line,” which divided Mogadishu into two parts. As a young boy, I vividly remember the days when we had to flee from one neighborhood to the other, passing through merciless militiamen and rockets being fired.

In August 2000, Abdiqasim Salad Hassan was elected president in Djibouti without full national agreement. When he arrived in Mogadishu, his administration was confined to a few blocks of the capital (from KM4 and Tarabuunka). He could not even access the presidential palace – the Villa Somalia – and both the Mogadishu port and the airport were closed by militias.

Abdiqasim’s government formed in Djibouti was based on a constitution forming a Transitional National Government (TNG). However, many of the Somali political factions rejected it. Several clan-based attempts to negotiate with Mogadishu’s faction leaders failed.

Finally, in 2004, while Abdiqasim remained in Mogadishu, a fresh reconciliation conference in Nairobi, Kenya, established the Transitional Federal Government (TFG), with Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed as president. Mogadishu warlords were admitted into it becoming ministers and MPs—including those who had split from Abdiqasim’s TNG administration.

In 2008, with President Abdullahi Yusuf still in office, the third Djibouti conference was organized, involving portion of president Yusuf’s TFG administration and the Islamic Courts Union (ICU). This was pushed by the international community as the last attempt to end the conflict between TFG and the ICU.

Seeing that he had no support or power, President Abdullahi Yusuf resigned honorably on December 29, 2008. Djibouti then saw Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed elected as president.

In September 2012, Somalia held its first domestic election in decades. President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed ran again but was defeated. A month before the election, in August 2012, the current Provisional Federal Constitution was drafted and ratified.

In April 2021, when President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo’s term ended, opposition in Mogadishu rejected his attempt to extend power. This led to clashes in the city, with gunfire forcing around 100,000 people to flee within a week. Multiple warnings to the government were ignored. Those days, my colleagues and I were stuck in my office, but we continued reporting the developments in the city.

It is important to remember that Farmaajo had developed his own election laws, established his own election commission, and even used offline and online trolls to amplify his narratives—but all of this collapsed following the April 2021 conflict.

Historically, these events offer crucial lessons. Every incident today has parallels in the past, and learning from history is vital. Any attempt—whether changing the constitution or introducing unilateral laws—that is not accepted by the people ends in destruction and division. Somalia is not Djibouti, nor Eritrea, nor Turkey.

Hassan Sheikh Mohamud may still turn a blind eye to the crisis in the remaining days of his term, but the truth remains: history tends to repeat itself. The current situation will end the way it has always ended in the past. I hope wisdom returns before things get any worse.

The post Somalia Enters a Dangerous Term Extension, and A Step Toward Dictatorship, Chaos, and Bloodshed appeared first on Kaab TV.

The criticism came at the close of a three-day opposition conference in Mogadishu, which included consultations with civil society groups, women, elders, and business leaders.

In a strongly worded statement, the Opposition Forum warned that the current trajectory of political decision-making under President Hassan Sheikh risks destabilizing Somalia’s recent security gains.

“This is a dangerous turn that could undo years of hard-won progress,” the statement read.

Allegations of Partisan Politics and Marginalization

The forum accused the president of marginalizing key federal member states—particularly Puntland and Jubaland—while promoting loyal administrations in South West, Galmudug, and Hirshabelle.

These regional leaders, the statement noted, have recently joined the president’s Union for Peace and Development Party (JSP), in what opposition leaders call a coordinated move to consolidate power.

“The illegal term extensions, partisan alignments, and dismantling of the National Consultative Council (NCC) point to President Hassan Sheikh’s authoritarian ambitions and a strategy to engineer a one-man election,” the communiqué asserted.

The group also condemned corruption, land grabbing, and the alleged misuse of public resources.

They raised alarm over secretive deals signed with foreign companies and governments involving Somalia’s natural resources—including oil, minerals, and fisheries—which they claim have enriched a small elite closely tied to the president’s family.

Press Freedom and Civil Liberties

The opposition expressed grave concern over increasing restrictions on press freedom. They cited a recent spike in journalist arrests and equipment seizures, particularly targeting reporters covering the controversial forced voter registration in Mogadishu.

“These actions are unacceptable and only worsen the already precarious safety of Somali journalists,” the statement added.

Calling for a return to constitutional order, the forum denounced the unlawful amendments allegedly made by the president to the Provisional Federal Constitution.

They urged the formation of an independent electoral commission and demanded inclusive, transparent elections.

“We call for an urgent national dialogue involving all stakeholders—federal leaders, state authorities, and opposition figures—to steer the country away from political collapse and the threat of extremism,” the leaders said.

Call for Renewed Dialogue with Somaliland

The group also urged a restart of stalled talks between Somalia and Somaliland, which broke down after Somaliland suspended negotiations.

The move followed what Hargeisa viewed as provocations by Mogadishu, including Prime Minister Hamza Abdi Barre’s visit to Las Anod.

The joint statement was endorsed by a host of influential Somali political figures, including: Former President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, Former Parliament Speakers Sharif Hassan Sheikh Aden and Mohamed Mursal Abdirahman, Former Prime Ministers Abdi Farah Shirdon, Mohamed Hussein Roble, Hassan Ali Khaire, and Omar Abdirashid Sharmarke, MP Abdirahman Abdishakur Warsame and MP Abdikadir Osoble Ali, Former Foreign Minister Ahmed Issa Awad, Former Ministers Abdinur Sheikh Mohamed, Abdullahi Abukar Haji, and Dahir Mohamud Geelle (who recently resigned as a presidential advisor).

The Mogadishu conference took place amid growing political tensions, with the opposition warning that without course correction, Somalia risks sliding back into authoritarianism and instability.

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