These missions are smaller and quieter than the post-9/11 wars that once defined U.S. foreign policy. There are no troop surges, no primetime addresses. Yet American service members continue to conduct raids, launch airstrikes, and intercept enemy fire under war authorities passed more than two decades ago — long after public attention has moved on. The wars did not end; they simply faded from view.

As of June, some 40,000 U.S. troops remain stationed in the Middle East, a reminder that America’s military footprint has shrunk but never disappeared.

Syria: The war that never formally ended

About 900 U.S. troops remain in eastern Syria, conducting counterterrorism operations against the Islamic State and defending themselves against Iranian-backed militias.

Officially, the mission is a stabilization effort following ISIS’ territorial defeat. In reality, U.S. forces still face rocket, drone, and indirect-fire attacks, especially as regional tensions rise. Working alongside the Syrian Democratic Forces, they target ISIS cells responsible for assassinations, ambushes, and prison breaks.

The mission drew attention in December when two National Guardsmen and one American contractor were killed by a suspected ISIS fighter. U.S. airstrikes and special operations raids continue even as Syria has largely disappeared from the national conversation.

There is no declared war, no defined end state — yet American troops operate in an active combat environment.

The U.S. military entered Syria in 2014, launching airstrikes and deploying special operations forces to support local partners against ISIS. U.S. forces expanded alongside Kurdish-led units in eastern Syria during the fight to dismantle ISIS’ caliphate.

After ISIS lost its territory in 2019, Washington reduced its presence but retained several hundred troops to prevent a resurgence and counter Iranian-backed militias. Despite repeated calls for withdrawal, U.S. forces have remained for more than a decade, operating under post-9/11 authorities never formally repealed.

Iraq: A war winding down, but not finished

Under a 2024 agreement with Baghdad, Washington has begun drawing down forces and transferring responsibility for countering ISIS to Iraqi security forces. The coalition plans to reduce its footprint by roughly 20% of the remaining 900 troops, consolidate forces mainly in the Kurdish region, and conclude its mission by September.

Even amid the drawdown, U.S. forces face threats from Iranian-backed militias, retaining authority to defend themselves and strike ISIS targets if necessary.

The Iraq war no longer resembles the conflict of the 2000s. But American troops remain deployed, armed, and active in a country where risk persists. U.S. forces initially entered Iraq in 2003, toppling Saddam Hussein and fighting through years of counterinsurgency before formally ending combat operations in 2011. They returned in 2014 to counter ISIS, gradually narrowing their mission from combat to advisory roles.

Somalia: America’s quietest war

Few Americans realize the U.S. is still conducting one of its most persistent counterterrorism campaigns in Somalia.

U.S. special operations forces assist Somali troops against al-Shabab, an al Qaeda-linked terrorist group, with airstrikes regularly conducted, though often underreported. There is no large troop presence and little media coverage, but the fighting continues.

U.S. military involvement dates to the early 1990s humanitarian intervention. After the 1994 “Black Hawk Down” incident, forces withdrew, only to return in the 2000s through counterterrorism strikes and advisory roles. The presence expanded after 2017, shifted to an “over-the-horizon” posture in 2020, then partially redeployed in 2022 under the Biden administration. Today, roughly 500 U.S. troops remain in Somalia, maintaining an ongoing counterterrorism mission.

Yemen: A war Americans are fighting without realizing it

The U.S. has no base presence in Yemen but frequently engages with Iran-backed Houthi rebels. Naval and air forces intercept missiles and drones targeting Red Sea and Gulf of Aden shipping lanes, putting American personnel in direct combat.

In spring 2025, U.S. forces launched a weekslong campaign against Houthi targets, striking over 1,000 sites linked to missile, drone, and weapons infrastructure to protect trade and deter escalation.

Operation Southern Spear: Counter-narcotics in the Caribbean and Eastern Pacific

The U.S. has conducted 28 strikes on alleged narco-trafficking boats near Venezuela, killing 103 people. South and Central America now host the largest U.S. military buildup in decades, including 15% of naval assets and the USS Gerald R. Ford. While operations have avoided strikes on Venezuelan soil, the scale of forces underscores how quickly a counter-narcotics mission could escalate into a more overt confrontation.

None of these conflicts were formally concluded by Congress. Most continue under post-9/11 authorizations passed more than two decades ago.

While Washington has signaled potential changes, as long as Iran remains a threat, a broad U.S. withdrawal from the Middle East is unlikely.

“The days in which the Middle East dominated American foreign policy are thankfully over — not because the region no longer matters, but because it is no longer the constant source of imminent catastrophe it once was,” said the White House national security strategy in December. “It is emerging as a place of partnership, friendship, and investment — a trend that should be welcomed and encouraged.”

The post U.S. Troops Remain Deployed from Syria to Somalia On Missions That Never Officially Ended. appeared first on Kaab TV.

The post Turkey’s Influence in Syria and Its Growing Regional Role appeared first on Kaab TV.

The post Israeli Airstrikes Target Southern Syria in New Military Policy appeared first on Kaab TV.

The Kildin ship is equipped with electronic technology to spy on communication and other activities, and it is among several ships that are heavily guarded by Western countries, due to their fear of entering their communication, internet and energy networks.

This ship has a system that can carry out electronic attacks, such as removing electricity from the air or carrying out explosions caused by electricity in addition to stopping electronic infrastructure including trains and public transport.

There is no news from the Russian government about the condition of this ship and it is not known the problem it is facing and where it came from.

The post A Russian Spy Ship Spotted Burning In The Mediterranean Sea In Syria appeared first on Kaab TV.

Also, the latest reported fighting comes despite the United States saying on Wednesday that it is working to address Turkey’s concerns in Syria so that NATO allies can persuade them not to escalate attacks against Kurdish fighters.

The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights said that “fierce fighting has taken place in the countryside of Manbij in recent hours between the Kurds led by the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the Turkish-backed National Army groups, which have support Turkey.”

“The strikes killed 37 people, according to preliminary casualties, including Turkish-backed fighters and the SDF, and five civilians,” the Britain-based monitoring group said, citing sources. different in Syria.

Meanwhile, the Monitoring Group said that at least 322 people have been killed in the fighting in Manbij countryside since last month.

Mazloum Abdi, head of the US-backed SDF, said on Wednesday that his group supports “the unity and territorial integrity of Syria”.

In a statement he sent to the AFP news agency, he called on the new Syrian government to “intervene so that a ceasefire can take place throughout Syria.

“However, Abdi’s comments followed what he called a “good” meeting between Kurdish leaders and the Damascus administration late last month.

The post Fighting between the Kurdish Groups and The SDF Forces Broke Out in Manjib appeared first on Kaab TV.

Outside, the 72-year-old climbed into a car in a small convoy with his family and a handful of security guards, just a few suitcases between them.

His neighbour and her teenage son watched.

“I knew the moment I saw them flee that Assad had fallen,” she says.

When we entered Hassan’s apartment a few days later, signs of the family’s hasty departure were everywhere.

In the fridge was a half-eaten carrot cake with a knife still on the plate.

The beds were strewn with clothes and empty shoeboxes.

Flowers wilted in a vase in the dining room, and cups and plates had been left to dry by the sink.

A framed photo of a smiling Hassan and Assad hung on the wall of the study, with text reading: “Our skies are for us and forbidden to others”.

Hassan, referred to as “the butcher” by many civilians on his street, was one of Assad’s most menacing enforcers.

He led the Air Force Intelligence and oversaw a network of detention facilities including the notorious Mezzeh Prison, where detainees were routinely tortured.

He is one of many senior regime figures wanted or sanctioned around the world who have abandoned their homes in affluent areas of Damascus and vanished.

Finding these men who ruled Syria with an iron fist will be difficult. Some fear they will strike political deals abroad and evade justice.

Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), which led the campaign to topple the regime, has vowed to search for them inside Syria.

Rebels aligned with the group now occupy Hassan’s apartment and a handwritten note on the front door warns people not to enter.

When we asked them where Hassan might have gone, one grinned and replied: “I don’t know – to Hell.”

‘His guards threatened to kill my dog’

Many apartment shutters on Hassan’s quiet street in central Damascus are now closed. Knocks on doors go unanswered.

Those who will speak tell us about their fear at living on a street with a wanted war criminal.

“We were so afraid to talk,” says the woman who watched him flee. “It was terrifying to live next to them.”

Hassan is wanted in the US for “engaging in conspiracy to commit cruel and inhuman treatment of civilian detainees, including US citizens”.

He was convicted in absentia earlier this year in France for his role in imprisoning, disappearing and torturing two Syrian-French nationals.

Germany wants him too.

An Interpol Red Notice shows a photograph of Hassan alongside a note that he is wanted for “conspiracy to commit war crimes”.

He was placed under travel bans and had his assets frozen over the repression of civilian protesters.

In April 2011 the US says Air Force Intelligence personnel fired tear gas and live ammunition at protesting crowds in Damascus and other cities, killing at least 43.

People on the street describe a formidable figure who was unapproachable and always surrounded by guards.

A makeshift security post outside Hassan’s apartment building was constantly staffed by military personnel.

The night before the regime collapsed, the men simply took off their uniforms and discarded their weapons, according to another neighbour.

“It was the first time I’d seen this post with no lights, no sounds, no noise,” says 27-year-old Amr al-Bakri, a filmmaker who lives with his family in the building next door.

He said locals “knew what he did to the Syrians – outside of Damascus and in Damascus – so we know it but we can’t say anything, just ‘good morning sir’. He’d say nothing back.”

Amr says his family had to give away their pet dog after Hassan’s guards threatened to kill it if it didn’t stop barking.

When Amr’s family asked for the guard post to be moved from outside their home, they were told they should move house instead, he says.

The guards would run regular inspections on the street and check the bags of visitors.

“Sometimes if I had a plumber or handyman to come and fix something one of the guards would come and check if there was really something that needed to be fixed,” says the woman living in Hassan’s building.

Neighbours also say Hassan had a “golden line” for electricity that meant his family’s lights were always on, while other homes in the neighbourhood were in darkness.

The electrician called to fix any problems at the apartment says he knew Hassan over many years “but only from a distance”.

“[Hassan] was very strict – a military personality,” the man says. “He was a butcher… He had no mercy.”

The man told BBC News he had been in prison – not at Mezzeh but elsewhere – and was tortured there.

A local shopkeeper, Mohammed Naoura, says he didn’t like Hassan but that you had to appear to support him.

“We are happy now,” he adds. “Nobody believed this would ever happen.”

Guns on sofas and underground swimming pools

Hussam Luka, head of the General Security Directorate (GSD), was less well-known among residents but had an apartment underneath Hassan.

His “ruthless, smooth-talking nature” reportedly earned him the nickname “the spider” – and he’s under sanctions in the EU, US and UK.

A UK sanctions list says he was “responsible for the torture of opponents in custody”, while the US Treasury Department says he “reportedly committed a number of massacres” while working in Homs.

The White House has said he is one of a small group of officials who might have information about missing American journalist Austin Tice.

At his home on Monday, rebels were dismantling furniture to be put into storage.

They said they arrived after looters had already taken many of the most expensive items.

A photo of Luka and Assad remained, printed in different sizes and styles, alongside documents from security and intelligence events, and ceremonial medals and certificates from the foreign spy service in Russia – where the deposed Syrian leader Assad has fled.

“This award is to the coordinator of the mukhabarat [intelligence service] organ in the southern provinces of the Syrian Arab Republic,” one certificate naming Luka says. “You showed the utmost professionalism and put in huge effort to fulfil the duties entrusted to you for the good of the Syrian people.”

As rebels clear the apartment, a neighbour wanders in to see what’s happening.

When asked what she knows about the regime official, she replies: “We keep to ourselves, they keep to themselves. No one in this building interacts with each other.” She walks away.

In other affluent areas more homes have been abandoned. Fridges are fully stocked, wardrobes full and in some cases travel documents left behind.

The rebels who have taken over the homes are using them as bases, and say they are also preventing further looting.

At one lavish apartment, men say they are sleeping on blankets on marble floors beneath giant chandeliers and cooking on a camp stove in its modern kitchen. Guns are propped against plush sofas and arm chairs.

“We don’t need any of this,” a rebel says, gesticulating around the room.

At another, a child peaks through the curtain of a sprawling ground-floor apartment with an outdoor swimming pool.

A large family say they are occupying the space.

Perhaps the grandest home in the area is the modern labyrinthine underground dwelling of one of the country’s best-known businessmen – Khodr Taher Bin Ali, better known as Abu Ali Khodr.

Bin Ali has been sanctioned by the US, UK and EU for his role in supporting and benefiting from the Syrian regime.

His home has an elevator, a full-size gym, an indoor swimming pool, jacuzzi and sauna, and an industrial kitchen.

In the master bedroom, there are two golden safes, with space for dozens of watches – in a drawer there is a forgotten warranty card for luxury brand Audemars Piguet.

A gun case and jewellery boxes in the wardrobe are empty.

The children’s ensuite bedrooms still have toys and a Louis Vuitton handbag on the floor and homework and school reports are in the cupboards.

A Quran rests on a countertop with the words “A gift from the president Bashar al-Assad” inscribed on the side.

Around the corner from Bin Ali is the home of Ali Mamlouk, one of Assad’s closest associates and among the most senior and notorious members of the regime.

He was reportedly given the nickname “black box” because of his control over sensitive information.

He was sentenced alongside Hassan by French judges this year for war crimes, and is also wanted in Lebanon for two explosions in 2012 in the city of Tripoli that killed and wounded dozens.

Like Luka, the White House believes Mamlouk is one of few men who could have information about Tice.

His home is padlocked shut, and rebels are more reluctant to grant entry there.

In a guard booth outside, there are notes on visitors to the property before Assad’s fall – people delivering chocolates, water and vegetables, and coming to fix the electricity.

“No one could see, no one could walk, no one could pass by this area. It’s actually the first time I’m seeing this place from up close,” says 17-year-old Mo Rasmi Taftaf, whose family own a house nearby.

“Whenever he came in or out, guards would cut the roads off,” one neighbour says.

Shouting down from a second-floor balcony, another gestures towards Mamlouk’s large home when asked about the wanted regime figure.

“It felt like there was a strange atmosphere” on the street the night before news broke that Assad had fled, he says, without elaborating.

“His security was here at the time but I saw them leave on Sunday morning – a lot of cars. Ali Mamlouk wasn’t here,” he adds, before returning inside.

Another man, who declines to give his name, says he doesn’t want to talk about the regime men.

“I just want to live in peace. I don’t want to open this book or explore all of these crimes – there would be a lot of blood.”

Hunting the Assad men

Many, though, do want justice.

The leader of HTS has vowed to pursue the senior regime figures in Syria and asked other countries to hand over those who fled. Those wanted elsewhere have limited places to run.

Finding the men will be a challenge.

“While there is no confirmed information on the current whereabouts of senior regime figures like Jamil Hassan, Ali Mamlouk, and others, there are concerns that such individuals could benefit from political deals that enable them to evade justice,” the Syrian Center for Media and Freedom of Expression (SCM) tells the BBC.

“Some are likely to have sought refuge in allied countries, complicating future extradition efforts, while others may still be in Syria, living discreetly.”

On Hassan’s street, neighbours speculate about where the vanished war criminal has gone.

His family left few clues in the apartment. But in the office is a certificate for Hassan’s daughter signed by Hassan Nasrallah, the late leader of Lebanon-based Shia militant group Hezbollah, thanking her for her “help and support for this honourable resistance”.

Several neighbours suggest he may be hiding in Lebanon or has transited through there, while the local shopkeeper says he thinks Hassan headed for the coast, perhaps to Latakia in the north – the heartland of the minority Alawite sect to which Assad and many of his closest allies belong.

Meanwhile, Lebanese newspaper Nida al-Watan reports that Mamlouk was smuggled across the border and into the Lebanese capital Beirut by Hezbollah – a long-time ally of Syria’s Ba’ath government.

Hezbollah has not confirmed offering assistance to any regime figures, and the Lebanese government has said no Syrian officials targeted by international warrants were authorised to enter through legal crossings.

Lebanese security services say Mamlouk is not in the country.

Syrian-British barrister Ibrahim Olabi says regime officials may have acquired new identities and passports, as they were powerful people backed by state institutions.

When it comes to getting justice, he adds, a lack of evidence is not the problem. It is more about finding them and getting them to a place where they can be held accountable.

The SCM says doing this will “require considerable resources, sustained political will, and international collaboration”.

Failing to do so will send a “dangerous message that crimes, including war crimes and crimes against humanity, can go unpunished”, it adds.

Ibrahim Olabi says he is hopeful that justice will be served.

“It will absolutely be a hunt,” he says, but “the world now is a small place through social media, private investigators, political leverages”.

Hassan’s neighbours who were willing to talk say they hope he will one day be returned to Syria, far away from their street, to be punished.

(Source: BBC)

The post Inside The Abandoned Homes of Assad’s Ruthless Enforcers appeared first on Kaab TV.