The commission consists of eight men and one woman, all from Southwest State.

Officials in Baidoa told Kaab TV that the electoral process is expected to be completed within 10 days starting from today.

Southwest State based its decision on Article 142 of the Federal Constitution, as well as its own regional constitution.

The move signals that SWS has charted its own path and eased the deadlock surrounding Somalia’s 2026 federal electoral process, which has been marked by uncertainty and disputes.

The Federal Government of Somalia has been pushing to centralize the elections under a commission previously appointed by President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, who has 53 days remaining in his term and is seeking re-election.

Federal Member States, particularly Jubaland and Puntland, have rejected this approach, opposing both the president’s unilateral electoral commission and recent constitutional changes, arguing that they lack broad consensus.

Regional administrations say the federal government’s efforts are aimed at extending its mandate and legitimizing constitutional amendments and electoral arrangements without agreement.

Somalia’s federal system comprises five Federal Member States and the Banaadir region. Southwest has now joined the ranks of Puntland and Jubaland in rejecting the constitutional amendments and any election process not based on consensus.

By appointing its own electoral commission, Southwest State has reinforced the likelihood that Somalia’s 2026 elections will follow an indirect model agreed upon by stakeholders—a path now clearly adopted by SWS.

Puntland held its elections in 2023, while Jubaland conducted its vote in 2024, both despite opposition from the federal government.

Meanwhile, the Federal Government, according to a directive issued by Interior Minister Ali Yusuf Hosh, has also rejected SWS move. Reports indicate that Mogadishu may attempt to organize a parallel election in Baraawe, where federal forces, including Haramcad and Gorgor units, were recently deployed after SWS troops withdrew.

If the Federal Government takes the parallel election route, it will not only risk undermining Baydhabo’s authority but could also trigger a backlash against its own legitimacy. Opposition figures in Mogadishu may respond by declaring themselves “president” after May 15, when the current term ends—effectively creating parallel leadership in the capital.

Galmudug, which has not endorsed the March 4, 2026 constitutional changes, and Hirshabelle, reportedly facing political and security pressure from Villa Somalia, have yet to clarify their positions.

With Southwest, Jubaland, and Puntland forming a majority among Federal Member States, their continued adherence to the 2012 Provisional Constitution and preference for indirect elections suggests that Somalia’s 2026 polls are likely to be based on a clan-delegate selection model.

Given that Somalia’s power-sharing system still follows the 4.5 formula, and no alternative has yet been agreed upon, many believe that the indirect, clan-based electoral model remains the only viable framework for maintaining political balance—one that continues to give a central role to traditional elders.

The post Southwest State’s Move to Appoint Electoral Commission Breaks Somalia’s Electoral Stalemate appeared first on Kaab TV.

Although the law and the Rules of Procedure of the Somali Parliament require a two-thirds quorum of members from both houses—comprising the Lower House and the Upper House—to attend joint sessions, the meeting reportedly failed to reach the required number of lawmakers.

According to the latest figures on attendance, as many as 132 members of parliament were absent from yesterday’s session, opposition lawmakers who oppose the constitutional amendments said today.

Those absent included 20 members of the Upper House and 112 members of the Lower House, all of whom are said to oppose the proposed constitutional changes.

Among the absent lawmakers was the Speaker of the Upper House, Abdi Hashi Abdullahi.

Lower House Speaker Adan Mohamed Nur Madobe, who chaired the session, stated that some lawmakers voted online, despite parliamentary rules specifying only three voting methods that require the physical presence of members during voting.

A dozen of lawmakers from Puntland were held at a hotel near Mogadishu’s airport, where they had been stuck for four days after being prevented from boarding a flight to Garowe on Sunday, when their flight was turned back.

There are also allegations that individuals who were not members of parliament attended the session and participated in the vote, according to photos taken inside the parliament.

Two clerics known for strongly supporting President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud were seen raising their hands during the show-of-hands vote.

Term extension in the new Constitution

President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has recently been pushing for the adoption of a new constitution, which he describes as amendments to Somalia’s Provisional Constitution that has been in place since 2012.

The new constitution would extend the presidential term from four years to five years, effectively granting the current president an additional year in office.

President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s current term is set to expire on May 15, 2026. Opposition groups have said they will not accept any extension beyond that date, warning that it could trigger a political crisis.

The federal member states of Puntland and Jubaland have condemned the constitutional changes, stating that they only recognize Somalia’s Provisional Constitution.

President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, however, has described the constitutional change as a historic step.

The post Vote on Somalia’s Constitutional Changes Faces Legitimacy Questions as 132 MPs Boycott Session appeared first on Kaab TV.

Speaking at a gathering in Mogadishu on Saturday night that brought together members of the Banadir community — including politicians, traditional elders, women, and youth — Deni said the revised constitution “will not be a constitution for anybody.”

He questioned whether it was intended to serve only President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Adan Mohamed Nur Madobe.

Deni, who is positioning himself as a potential contender for Villa Somalia in the 2026 presidential election, accused the federal leadership of undermining consensus on key constitutional and electoral matters.

He also called on the regional administrations of Hirshabelle, Galmudug, and South West State to expedite their elections, noting that their mandates expired some time ago.

“The responsibility lies with the leaders of those regional states that have not yet held elections. Although their terms have ended, they remain in office because there is no vacuum. They should organize elections,” Deni said.

President Deni warned that Somalia risks instability and potential fragmentation if the current political stalemate continues and federal elections are not held on time.

Deni further condemned forced evictions in Mogadishu and alleged land-grabbing schemes, accusing the president and his allies of benefiting from land seizures and auctions over the past four years.

“Why are they displacing people? Are these not our own citizens?” he asked, raising concerns over the management of funds generated from land sales.

The Puntland leader also criticized the state of infrastructure in Mogadishu, saying he had recently observed roads that remain unbuilt despite what he described as significant revenues collected through land auctions linked to eviction campaigns.

The post Deni Rejects Constitutional Changes by Hassan Sheikh, Warns of Political Crisis in Somalia appeared first on Kaab TV.

The meetings, which began last week, have so far resulted in only two sessions. The first meeting took place at the Turkish-owned Decale Hotel, while the second was held at Villa Somalia, where the leaders of the Future of Somalia Council met with President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.

During that meeting, a BKM-type rifle was reportedly stolen from the security detail of the President of Jubaland, Ahmed Mohamed Islam (Ahmed Madobe).

On Thursday, the two sides debated two major issues, according to sources close to the opposition.

The two key points discussed—but on which no agreement was reached—were the amended constitution, which the Future of Somalia Council opposes, and the nature of the 2026 elections and how they should be conducted.

President Hassan Sheikh is said to have been reluctant to accept these points.

Sources told Kaab TV that the two sides agreed to establish joint committees to continue the talks. Although there were already committees representing both sides, they agreed to form new ones to move the discussions forward.

On Friday, the opposition alliance released the list of its members who will serve on the agreed technical committee. However, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has yet to appoint the members expected from his side.

Opposition officials now say that 24 hours have passed since they submitted their list, in line with Thursday’s agreement, but no response has come from the president’s office. They also allege that activities aimed at undermining the process are ongoing.

Critics argue that all Hassan Sheikh wanted was to stage a photo session and create the impression that he had brought the parties together. They say he was never genuinely committed to reaching a meaningful agreement on the political stalemate, which risks pushing Mogadishu into another cycle of violence.

The presence of Puntland President Said Deni and Jubaland President Ahmed Madobe in Mogadishu is reportedly placing significant political pressure on Hassan Sheikh.

Some opposition figures believe that allowing the talks to collapse could be a strategy to ease that pressure, as it would likely force both leaders to return to their respective regions.

If that happens, observers warn it could take a very long time to bring all sides back to the negotiating table.

The situation now appears increasingly complicated, with growing pessimism about reaching a resolution to Somalia’s ongoing political transition crisis.

Unless the international community intervenes to mediate between the parties, the prospects for a breakthrough remain very low.

The post Somalia Election Talks Stall as Political Deadlock Deepens appeared first on Kaab TV.

Speaking on the matter, MP Kooshin said corruption and bribery within state institutions have reached unprecedented levels.

He argued that Parliament has no legal basis to continue operating, noting that its mandate expired on January 28, 2026.

The lawmaker, who was among a group of MPs who on Saturday blocked an agenda seeking to amend the provisional constitution, described the ongoing parliamentary proceedings as “extra-legal.”

Kooshin further warned that certain clans are being deliberately marginalized from national political processes, a practice he said risks deepening divisions among Somali communities.

According to the MP, around 40 lawmakers have been denied access to parliamentary sessions, effectively barring them from carrying out their constitutional duties.

He also accused President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s administration of systematically dismantling key national institutions, including Parliament.

“This is a tragedy,” Kooshin said, “especially at a time when the country is facing severe drought and worsening economic hardship.”

The post Somali MP Alleges Parliamentary Leaders Bribed With Land at Air Force Camp appeared first on Kaab TV.

The post Mogadishu Elections: Here’s What You Didn’t Know About Yesterday’s Events? appeared first on Kaab TV.

Serving members of Somalia’s security forces, some with ties to the National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA), have been seen openly campaigning for President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s ruling Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP), despite electoral laws that prohibit police and military personnel from engaging in political activity or contesting elected office.

Among them is Abdirahman Mohamed Aw Ali, a former deputy NISA commander in Middle Shabelle who currently serves as a police officer and district commissioner of Wadajir in Mogadishu.

Colonel Aw Ali was photographed participating in JSP campaign activities as the party competes for seats on the Mogadishu district council.

Days earlier, Captain Abdullahi Ali Siyad of the Somali Police Force was also seen campaigning for the JSP.

A video circulated on social media on December 15 showed the officer—who is also the deputy district commissioner of Hawlwadaag—carrying a pistol while placing a JSP campaign poster.

The developments have sparked widespread criticism and renewed questions over the neutrality of police and national intelligence officers.

Just last week, Abdikarim Hassan, chairperson of the disputed National Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (NIEBC), publicly stated that security forces are barred from participating in elections.

“The police and the military are not allowed to be involved in the election,” Abdikarim said, despite his own past affiliation with the JSP.

President Mohamud’s administration maintains that the elections represent a historic step toward implementing a one-person, one-vote system for the first time in more than 60 years.

However, opposition groups in Mogadishu, along with the regional states of Puntland and Jubaland, have boycotted the process, accusing the federal government of engineering the vote to entrench the president’s hold on power.

Opposition MP Abdirahman Abdishakur described the process as deeply flawed, saying the presence of armed officers in campaign activities undermines the credibility of the vote.

“This is one-vote one-gun, not a one-person, one-vote election,” he wrote on his official Facebook page.

Opposition leaders are currently holding a three-day conference in Kismayo, the capital of Jubaland, to coordinate their response to the electoral process.

Further controversy surrounds the structure of the election itself. Although 20 organizations have reportedly been registered to contest the polls, only 16 of Mogadishu’s 20 officially recognized districts are allowed to participate for the council election, with no clear explanation provided for the exclusion of the remaining districts.

Election officials have also been accused of quietly accepting nominations of pre-screened candidates allegedly drawn from only three clans, fueling accusations of manipulation and exclusion.

The NIEBC has yet to issue an official statement addressing the involvement of security officers or the broader concerns raised by opposition groups and civil society.

Observers warn that without political consensus and transparency, Mogadishu risks heightened tensions and possible violence, as rival clans and political actors grow increasingly distrustful ahead of the vote.

The post Police Officers, Hand-picked Candidates and Exclusion Mark Mogadishu’s Forthcoming Election appeared first on Kaab TV.

The meeting, which took place at the presidential palace, Villa Somalia, focused on holding the local council elections that are set to take place in 16 districts of the capital, Mogadishu.

A member of the disputed election committee, who confidentially confirmed the meeting to Kaab TV, said they received an order that the election in the 16 districts must be held on 25 December 2025.

Sixteen Districts and Only Three Clans

A source from the electoral committee told Kaab TV that voting will be implemented in 16 districts of Mogadishu, based on the directive issued by the Council of Ministers on 23 October.

The districts have been categorized into Class (A) and Class (B) districts.

The Class (A) districts are: Hodan, Yaaqshiid, Deyniile, Kaaraan, Dharkeenley, Wadajir, Warta-Nabadda, Heliwaa, and Howl-wadaag.

The Class (B) districts are: Waaberi, Shibis, Xamar-Jajab, Boondheere, Xamar-Weyne, Abdicasis, and Shangaani.

Candidates Restricted to Only Three Clans

The race for district commissioner positions in the 16 districts, scheduled for December, has been limited to candidates from only three clans:

• Hawiye/ Abgaal (7 districts)
• Hawiye/Habar Gidir (6 districts)
• Hawiye/Murusade (3 districts)

It is unknown how this plan will be implemented.

Both the disputed election committee and Villa Somalia have declined to provide further details on the electoral plan described as a “one-person, one-vote” process.

Meanwhile, the administrations of Puntland and Jubaland, along with the Madasha Samatabixinta (The Somali Salvation Forum), will soon travel to Kismayo, where a conference is expected to be held to announce an alternative electoral framework opposing Villa Somalia’s plan.

The post Mogadishu to Hold December Elections in 16 Districts, Limits Contestants to Three Clans appeared first on Kaab TV.

Firdhiye urged all residents to participate in the registration process to align with other federal system administrations recognized by the Federal Government of Somalia.

“Our people must participate in the elections, organize themselves, and register fully. We must engage with the country’s other administrations. I have full confidence that the people of North East will make these national elections a success,” Firdhiye said.

However, the announcement comes amid controversy.

Last Saturday, Firdhiye himself was elected through an indirect vote process widely criticized for alleged bribery of newly elected representatives under the administration formed by President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.

A KaaB TV investigation, based on interviews with MPs and other sources, revealed how millions of dollars in cash were used to bribe the regional MPs, who had been handpicked just last month by their clan elders.

Questions remain about how a one-person-one-vote election could be implemented with only eight months left in Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s term.

Opposition alliances have rejected the process, and in many parts of the country, the terrorist group Al-Shabaab continues to exert full control.

This voter registration drive, while framed as a step toward civic engagement, raises concerns over transparency, legitimacy, and the influence of money in Puntland’s political process.

The post Firdhiye Opens Voter Registration Despite Coming to Power Through Bribery-Marred Indirect Vote appeared first on Kaab TV.

At the center of the storm is President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, accused by opposition leaders of attempting to consolidate power through a manipulated electoral framework marketed as a shift to “one person, one vote.”

The opposition, which includes three former presidents, former prime ministers, and members of parliament, has denounced Mohamud’s plan as a dangerous power grab.

They argue that the proposed electoral model lacks constitutional grounding and risks centralizing control in the presidency at the expense of Somalia’s fragile federal arrangement.

Corruption, land grabs, and forced evictions of vulnerable communities in Mogadishu have only deepened mistrust.

As these disputes intensified, threats of violence entered the political discourse. Defense Minister Ahmed Moalim Fiqi, speaking at a press conference in Mogadishu’s Jazeera Hotel, warned opposition figures against challenging the government with force.

“Nobody can take up a gun,” he said. “If they do so we will deal with them until they cry like Jews. They will scream ‘are you Jews?’”

The remark drew sharp condemnation. Opposition MP Abdirahman Abdishakur questioned how free and fair elections could be conducted under leaders who openly deploy anti-Semitic language to threaten rivals.

Another opposition MP, Dahir Amin Jeesow, challenged Fiqi, daring him to act on his threats.

Fiqi’s incendiary statement followed an equally troubling precedent set by Prime Minister Hamza Abdi Barre.

In October 2023, shortly after the outbreak of the Gaza war, Barre addressed a religious gathering in Mogadishu attended by prominent Islamist figures.

In his speech, he invoked a Qur’anic interpretation claiming that Jews were transformed into “pigs and monkeys” and went on to hail Hamas as a legitimate “liberation movement.”

Somali Prime Minister Hamza Barre “ Even if they were to kill us we will not reiterate their position. Hamas is a Liberation Movement, they are Mujahideen, AntiColonialists” 🇸🇴🇵🇸

pic.twitter.com/RhhXnPt8TZ

— Muhsin (@Hawdist) November 2, 2023

Barre’s words were not an isolated outburst. They signaled the creeping normalization of extremist ideology within Somalia’s highest offices.

His rhetoric resonated with audiences who view political Islam as an essential identity marker but alarmed both domestic critics and international partners.

By framing Hamas in heroic terms while demonizing Jews, Barre further blurred the lines between governance and radicalism.

Extremist Roots Within the State

Concerns over extremist infiltration in Somali politics are not new. Many current leaders—including Prime Minister Barre and Defense Minister Fiqi—have long-standing associations with Islamist networks.

Educated in Yemen, Hamza Abdi Barre is widely believed to have links to Islamist movements, including affiliates of the Muslim Brotherhood, of which Hamas is a branch. His rise to premiership is viewed by critics as evidence of ideological accommodation within the federal government.

The defense minister Ahmed Moalim Fiqi is a Sudan-educated former member of Al-Itihaad al-Islami and later joined the Islamic Courts Union, which eventually splintered into Al-Shabaab, the al-Qaeda-aligned insurgency.

As the former head of Somalia’s National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA), he has faced accusations of shielding Al-Shabaab members from his own clan. In 2023, Fiqi was alleged to have provided cash and protection to Nur Deeq, a senior Al-Shabaab figure captured during a military operation in Mudug.

Shortly after his capture, Puntland State released a list of victims killed by Nur Deeq’s brutal terrorist network and demanded justice. But to date, no trial has been held and Nur Deeq remains largely free.

Such figures straddle the ambiguous line between official authority and radical affiliation, fueling perceptions that Somalia’s governance remains hostage to Islamist currents.

Opposition Pushback

Somalia’s opposition is not remaining silent. In May 2025, opposition leaders convened a summit in Mogadishu, bringing together political veterans and civil society figures to demand an inclusive, transparent roadmap for 2026.

They warned that Mohamud’s unilateral approach—anchored by his new Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP)—undermines consensus politics and violates the spirit of Somalia’s provisional constitution.

Yet regional states like Puntland and Jubbaland have also rejected Mogadishu’s electoral plan, insisting on federal input.

The collapse of the National Consultative Council (NCC), once the central mechanism for dialogue between the federal government and the states, has further compounded Somalia’s political paralysis.

Extremism, Wealth, and Impunity

Extremist ideologies in Somalia thrive not only on religious fervor but also on economic desperation, political exclusion, and systemic impunity.

At the same time, Islamist networks with less militant profiles—such as alumni of Al-Itihaad al-Islami and affiliates of the Muslim Brotherhood—have penetrated Somalia’s politics, bureaucracy, and business sectors. By intertwining wealth, ideology, and governance, these networks perpetuate a cycle where radicalism finds sanctuary in state institutions.

International actors have often turned a blind eye. Western governments continue to partner with Somali leaders, even those implicated in extremist ties, in the name of counterterrorism and stability.

This has entrenched a culture of impunity, allowing extremist rhetoric and affiliations to coexist with international legitimacy.

As Somalia prepares for its 2026 elections, the stakes could not be higher. President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud insists that universal suffrage is necessary to move beyond clan-based politics. His critics argue that his approach is authoritarian, exclusionary, and fraught with risks of violence.

Meanwhile, the presence of extremist ideology in political discourse—manifested in anti-Semitic speeches and alliances with radical networks—casts a long shadow over Somalia’s democratic aspirations.

Without a credible, inclusive process, Somalia risks not only political implosion but also the strengthening of extremist forces that have long thrived on instability.

The post Power Struggles, Extremism Rhetoric, and the Politics of Impunity: Somalia’s Tumultuous Road to the 2026 Elections appeared first on Kaab TV.