In a press conference held Friday, Garaad Jama criticized the arrival of a federal delegation led by Interior Minister Cali Jibriil Hosh, which reached Laascaanood on Thursday.

The delegation claimed it was preparing for a conference aimed at finalizing the SSC-Khaatumo administration, currently operating in parts of the Sool region.

However, Garaad Jama stated that there had been no prior agreement or consultation on the event and warned that any attempt to impose decisions without consensus could threaten the hard-won progress of the SSC-Khaatumo people.

“I oppose any process that lacks broad agreement, is incomplete, and puts at risk what our people have sacrificed so much for,” Garaad Jama said. “I am not aware of any consultation regarding the planned conference in Laascaanood.”

Garaad Jama also condemned what he described as previous marginalization of the SSC-Khaatumo community and warned against repeating past mistakes.

His remarks come amid growing tensions in the Sanaag region, where a recent visit by a group of politicians and armed forces—allegedly supported by the Federal Government—has raised alarm.

He expressed strong opposition to federal interference in the affairs of the Warsangali clan in Sanaag and warned that the same form of external rule rejected by the people of Sool 15 years ago should not be imposed on others today.

“What I resisted for 15 years—a plan imposed from elsewhere to govern our people—we cannot accept again,” he said.

Garaad Jama apologized to the clans in Sanaag and called for internal dialogue within the SSC-Khaatumo community before seeking support or integration with other regions.

The plan to incorporate parts of Sanaag into SSC-Khaatumo has also been rejected by Puntland authorities and traditional elders from the region. Sanaag is currently contested between Puntland and Somaliland.

The planned conference, which has stirred political tension across Sool, Sanaag, and Puntland, is reportedly scheduled to begin on Tuesday, July 15.

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In a press conference held in Laascaanood, Shiine criticized the federal government’s involvement, describing it as interference driven by political interests, and stated that SSC-Khatumo would not recognize any meeting that precedes the major conference they have planned themselves.

“There is no conference we recognize before our main summit. Therefore, we cannot be part of it,” Shiine said.

He emphasized that while the federal government may support and facilitate, it should not directly interfere in the internal affairs of SSC-Khatumo.

Shiine’s remarks mark the highest-level rejection from within the SSC-Khatumo leadership since the federal government formally recognized the entity as a provisional administration.

He further accused SSC-Khatumo leader Abduqadir Aw-Ali [Firdhiye] of aligning with President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s political party, and attempting to advance partisan interests in the SSC regions.

“Mr. Cabduqaadir Aw-Cali has joined a political party with its own agenda, which he now seeks to implement here—one that is not in line with the interests of the people or the region,” Shiine added.

Veteran politician Cabdirisaaq Khaliif, a founding member of SSC-Khatumo and former lawmaker from Somaliland, stood alongside Shiine during the press event.

Khaliif played a key role in the Dhulbahante uprising during the 2023 Laascaanood conflict.

The controversy arises as the federal government pushes ahead with plans to host a major reconciliation conference for Sool and Sanaag, scheduled to take place on July 15.

The meeting is expected to bring together elders, politicians, and community leaders from both regions.

However, local opposition to the initiative is growing.

Reports suggest that armed factions and political figures have recently arrived in Sanaag, causing unrest among the local population, who reportedly rejected the move.

At the same time, Puntland, which retains partial control over parts of Sanaag, has voiced strong opposition to the federal government’s role in organizing the conference.

The rising tensions reflect the fragile political landscape in northern Somalia and signal a potential rift within the SSC-Khatumo leadership, despite federal efforts to foster regional unity.

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Speaking at a June 26 Independence Day event in Laascaanood on Thursday night, SSC-Khaatumo leader Abdikhadir Aw-Ali Firdhiye said the upcoming conference will bring together representatives from Sool, Sanaag, and Cayn to finalize a unified regional administration.

“A grand conference will be held to complete the establishment of this federal member state for the regions of Sool, Sanaag, and Cayn,” said Firdhiye, addressing hundreds of residents and local officials.

He emphasized that the Federal Government of Somalia, particularly the Ministry of Interior, will support and take part in the event.

“Delegates from across these regions will attend, and the Federal Government, through the Interior Ministry, will be involved as a facilitator,” Firdhiye added.

The move comes amid ongoing territorial disputes over Sanaag, a region deeply divided between parts aligned with Somaliland and others influenced by Puntland.

The western towns of Ceerigaabo, Laasqoray, and Ceel Afweyn are considered part of Somaliland, while the eastern towns—such as Badhan, Ceelbuh, and Dhahar—fall under Puntland’s control.

There is also a separate push by some local leaders and communities to establish an autonomous Maakhir State, with related meetings recently held in Mogadishu and other locations.

Firdhiye’s announcement raises concerns of renewed conflict, particularly in Ceerigaabo, which witnessed intense clan-based fighting earlier this year involving forces affiliated with both Somaliland and SSC-Khaatumo.

The violence resulted in deaths, injuries, and the displacement of civilians—many of whom have not yet returned.

In a separate development last month, Puntland’s Minister of Information, Mahmoud Aydid Dirir, said Puntland and SSC-Khaatumo remain constitutionally united and operate under a shared administration.

“There is no separation agreement yet,” he added.

Dirir, a native of Laascaanood, noted that officials and parliamentarians from Sool—including Puntland’s Vice President—remain part of Puntland’s governing structure, having been selected through local traditional elders.

As SSC-Khaatumo moves forward with its conference plans, questions remain about the potential impact on Sanaag’s fragile stability and how Somaliland and Puntland might respond to shifting political alignments in the region.

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According to the NCC communiqué, SSC-Khaatumo will officially join the federal system after a local clan conference is completed within the next two months.

This came after SSC-Khaatumo leader Abdiqadir Aw-Ali Firdhiye participated in his first National Consultative Council (NCC) meeting held from May 5 to 7.

However, the move has triggered a political Pandora’s box, adding fresh complications to Somalia’s already fragile and poorly defined federal structure.

The core problem lies in Somalia’s Provisional Constitution, which leaves the formation of Federal Member States (FMS) open to interpretation. Article 49(6) states: “Based on a voluntary decision, two or more regions may merge to form a Federal Member State.”

This provision makes clear that no single region can become a federal state on its own.

Meanwhile, Article 142(1) recognizes existing Federal Member States that were established before the constitution’s adoption, allowing them to maintain their powers temporarily until all FMS are properly formed and harmonized with the national constitution.

Yet, in practice, the formation of federal states has been inconsistent, often determined by clan-based arrangements rather than geographic or legal criteria.

For example, Galmudug was formed by merging Galgaduud with only part of Mudug—leaving the rest of Mudug within Puntland.

Though controversial, the Federal Government framed Galmudug’s creation as a political solution rather than a strictly legal one.

The Case of SSC-Khaatumo

The recognition of SSC-Khaatumo followed a deadly conflict in Las Anod in August 2023, where Dhulbahante militias fought Somaliland forces.

Las Anod was subsequently declared the capital of SSC-Khaatumo, an entity claiming to represent the Sool, Sanaag, and Cayn regions.

In reality, however, Sanaag has not joined the project, and “Cayn” refers only to Buuhoodle, a town that formerly fell under Togdheer region.

This means SSC-Khaatumo effectively governs only parts of Sool—falling short of the constitutional requirement that two or more regions must voluntarily merge to form a federal state.

Domino Effect in the Regions

SSC-Khaatumo’s recognition has sparked similar demands across the country.

On Saturday, Beledweyne—Hiiraan’s capital—was seized by former warlord Abdifatah Hassan Ali and his clan militia.

They claim to be establishing “Hiiraan State,” an initiative previously proposed but never recognized.

The Hirshabelle State, which governs Hiiraan, has not responded. Locals now fear violent clashes if Hirshabelle attempts to retake control.

Elders and exiled politicians from the Somaliland’s Awdal region, which borders Djibouti, have long advocated for federal member state status under Somalia.

Unable to safely campaign within Somaliland, they’ve been meeting in Mogadishu.

Tensions have also flared in Gedo, Jubbland, where community leaders have long rejected the leadership of Jubbaland President Ahmed Madobe.

The NCC’s recent remarks about forming a “legal” Jubbaland have emboldened calls from Gedo clans to seek separation.

Residents of Banadir, which includes Mogadishu, continue to push for their own federal status. However, the federal government has been reluctant to allow this, fearing the loss of revenue generated by Mogadishu’s seaport and airport.

Ripple Effects on Existing States

Analysts warn that the SSC-Khaatumo decision may destabilize other federal states.

In Southwest State, some clans in Lower Shabelle have begun advocating for separation.

In Galmudug, residents of Elbur are discussing breaking away from the current state structure.

These growing fissures reflect the absence of a uniform, legally binding process for federalization—leaving room for political opportunism and rising clan-based fragmentation.

The post A Political Pandora’s Box: Somalia’s Recognition of SSC-Khaatumo as a Federal Member State appeared first on Kaab TV.

Sources close to the Puntland presidency have confirmed that nine prisoners currently held in Puntland prisons, who were captured from Somaliland, will be transferred from Garowe tomorrow.

In return, Somaliland is set to release 11 prisoners originally from Puntland.

This marks the first such agreement aimed at normalizing relations between the two neighboring regions, which have long been at odds.

Puntland and Somaliland have been in dispute over the Sool and Sanaag regions. However, in 2023, following a major conflict in Las Anod, a new administration called SSC-Khaatumo was established.

Somaliland considers itself an independent state, while Puntland is a federal member state of Somalia.

Sources in Hargeisa indicate that this prisoner release reflects a new thaw in relations between Hargeisa and Garowe.

During the Las Anod conflict, Puntland supported the local population with troops, weapons, and finances, which contributed to Somaliland’s defeat in the August 2023 battle.

However, relations between Puntland and SSC-Khaatumo have recently soured, particularly after SSC-Khaatumo aligned itself with the Federal Government of Somalia — a government that Puntland currently has strained ties and deep disagreements with.

The post Puntland and Somaliland Set to Exchange Prisoners in Landmark Agreement appeared first on Kaab TV.

Erigabo, the regional capital of Sanaag, has an economy predominantly based on pastoralism, trade, and small-scale agriculture.

Livestock farming dominates, with camels, goats, and sheep often exported to Gulf countries.

The city links coastal towns like Laasqoray to inland areas, while small-scale farming produces sorghum and maize.

Remittances and informal markets sustain livelihoods, though large-scale resource extraction is limited.

However, since late November, clashes between the Warsangeli and Habar Jeclo clans have claimed over 20 lives and injured dozens more.

According to the United Nations, nearly 43,000 people have been displaced, with many fleeing to nearby areas such as El Afweyn and Laasqoray.

This escalating crisis has also drawn in forces from SSC-Khaatumo and Somaliland, each accused of taking sides, further complicating the situation.

The conflict has triggered an arms race in the Sanaag province, with reports of increased weapons trading and militia mobilization.

Observers fear renewed clashes in the city and surrounding villages affecting larger communities.

Recently, SSC-Khaatumo leader Abduqadir Aw-Ali Firdhiye announced their intention to capture Erigabo under the SSC-Khaatumo flag.

“Our forces are ready, and we will liberate Erigabo and bring it under SSC-Khaatumo state,” he declared in a speech delivered in Lasanod.

Meanwhile, Somaliland’s government has called for a peaceful resolution but insists on defending Erigabo as part of its territory.

Presidential Spokesperson Hussein Adan Deyr stated: “The President emphasized that his government is not at war with its people, but it is a constitutional obligation to defend the country from any enemy. The National Forces have full authority to protect the country and its people.”

The Historical Context

Understanding the complexity of the Erigabo conflict requires acknowledging the city’s social and political divisions.

Erigabo, the capital of Sanaag, is home to both Isaaq and Darood clans. Following Somalia’s deadly civil war in 1993, local clans agreed on peaceful coexistence based on a four-clan framework: two from the Darood and two from the Isaaq.

The arrangement, brokered by elders, has since unraveled, with the Warsangeli accusing Somaliland’s Isaaq clan of violating the 1993 agreement.

“The Sanaag region spans 55,000 square kilometers, 35,000 of which are inhabited by Warsangeli clans. Erigabo itself has four clans,” said Warsangeli spokesperson Ali Guray Diriye during a gathering in El Buh town early this month.

Drawing Parallels to Galkayo’s Two-State Solution

Dr. Abdirahman Mohamed Abdi, a former Somali Minister of Fisheries and now an SSC-Khaatumo adviser, suggests that Erigabo’s situation could be resolved through a model similar to Galkayo’s 1993 peace accord.

Galkayo, a town straddling two of Somalia’s major clan families—the Darood and the Hawiye—was the site of intense conflict in the early 1990s.

The United Somali Congress (USC) of the Hawiye and Somali Salvation and Democratic Front (SSDF) of the Daarood, initially allies against the Siad Barre regime, brokered a ceasefire known as the 1993 Mudug Peace Accord.

This agreement effectively divided northern Somalia from the center and south, paving the way for Puntland’s establishment in 1998.

Remarkably, the accord has mitigated large-scale conflict in the region for over two decades.

“The Erigabo situation could end in a similar scenario to the Galkayo peace accord,” Dr. Abdirahman remarked.

A delegation of clan elders from Jigjiga, the Somali Region in Ethiopia, has engaged in peace talks with Isaaq and Darood elders in Erigabo.

Mohamed Iba Abdi, an Erigabo resident, reported progress.

“The elders’ negotiations seem to be bearing fruit, with a ceasefire reached weeks ago. However, a comprehensive peace resolution is yet to be finalized. We hope the elders will foster peaceful coexistence, but concerns remain about the potential division of the city,” Mohamed said.

Whether Somaliland would accept a divided Erigabo remains unclear.

Hargeisa previously administered the city fully, and the notion of splitting it could face significant resistance.

Adding to the complexity, Erigabo’s Dhulbahante population is affiliated with SSC-Khaatumo, while the Isaaq aligns with Somaliland.

However, Puntland and pro-Mogadishu factions, such as Maakhir, are also vying for influence. Excluding these actors could further delay any lasting resolution.

Whether through a two-state solution or another innovative approach, achieving a durable resolution will require inclusive dialogue, mutual concessions, and steadfast commitment from all parties.

The post How to End the Erigabo Conflict: Can It Be Like Galkayo’s Two-State Solution? appeared first on Kaab TV.

In the Mudug region of central Somalia, clashes involving clan militias have resulted in civilian casualties and the displacement of hundreds of locals.

Similarly, in Hiiraan, gunmen ambushed and killed six Somali soldiers traveling through El Baraf town last month due to clan conflicts.

Meanwhile, in Galgadud, central Somalia, and Sanaag regions, clan militias continue to engage in deadly exchanges, escalating tensions with heavy weapons pouring into these areas.

Dr. Abdirahim Awiye, a university student currently based in Kampala, Uganda, along with his colleagues, initiated an online campaign named ‘Stop the Clan Fighting’.

The campaign, primarily active on Facebook and TikTok—popular platforms among Somali youth—aims to address the alarming levels of bloodshed in their country.

Speaking to Kaab TV, Dr. Awiye emphasized, “Those killed and displaced are our brothers and sisters, which is why we started this campaign.”

Reflecting on historical parallels, he drew inspiration from the Somali Youth League (SYL), a group that played a crucial role in Somalia’s independence struggle over six decades ago.

Dr. Awiye and his peers are determined to harness a similar spirit of unity to end the divisive clan-based conflicts that have plagued Somalia.

“I urge every Somali man and woman to use their social media platforms to promote peace and unity among their followers and influence their friends,” he urged.

Ahmed Muse, another local actively engaged in spreading awareness, blends traditional music with messages of brotherhood and coexistence in his videos.

He expressed frustration that many young men and women involved in clan conflicts use social media to perpetuate violence, emphasizing that such actions only lead to destruction rather than victory for any clan.

While these efforts aim to steer social media towards positive change, there remains widespread misuse by armed groups across Somalia.

Militias often exploit these platforms to share violent content, including graphic images and videos, depicting their perceived victories in conflicts.

Recently, Somalis condemned the circulation of disturbing videos and photos from the Mudug region, highlighting the inhumane conditions faced by captives and casualties.

Through initiatives like ‘Stop the Clan Fighting’, Somali youth are striving to counter these negative trends, advocating for peace, unity, and a cessation of violence that continues to destabilize their communities.

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