General Raage and his accompanying delegation were warmly received at the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) Headquarters located in Kimihurura, Kigali.

His visit underscores the growing military cooperation between the Republic of Rwanda and the Federal Republic of Somalia, particularly in areas of training, joint operations, and peacekeeping.

Upon his arrival, Major General Odawaa held high-level meetings with senior Rwandan defense officials. Among those he met were the Rwandan Minister of Defence, Mr. Juvenal Marizamunda, and the Chief of Defence Staff of the Rwanda Defence Force, General Mubarakh Muganga.

During the discussions, both parties reaffirmed their commitment to strengthening bilateral military ties and explored new avenues of collaboration in defense and security. Key topics on the agenda included:

• Enhancing joint military training programs

• Sharing intelligence and best practices in counterterrorism

• Strengthening regional peacekeeping efforts, particularly under the African Union and United Nations frameworks

• Addressing mutual security threats in the Horn of Africa and Great Lakes regions

Rwanda and Somalia have, in recent years, shown increasing interest in deepening their strategic defense partnership.

Rwanda has been notably involved in several peacekeeping missions across Africa, and Somalia continues to rebuild its security infrastructure after decades of conflict and instability.

The visit by General Odawaa marks a continuation of these collaborative efforts and reflects the mutual interest of both nations in promoting peace and stability on the continent.

This visit is also symbolic of Somalia’s intent to build stronger ties with African nations that have experience in effective military structuring and peacekeeping operations.

Rwanda, recognized globally for its disciplined and effective military, is considered a key partner in Somalia’s ongoing efforts to strengthen its armed forces.

As the Somali National Army (SNA) continues its critical role in combating terrorism and restoring security within Somalia, partnerships like the one with Rwanda will be instrumental in shaping a secure and self-reliant future for the country.

Further details of the visit, including any agreements or memoranda of understanding signed, are expected to be released following the conclusion of the official meetings.

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This comes in the wake of renewed violence that erupted in eastern Congo in January, heightening fears of a wider regional conflict.

The agreement has raised hopes for a de-escalation of the crisis.

Each party released its own statement after their respective delegations departed Qatar earlier this week, following more than a week of discussions.

“Both sides affirm their commitment to an immediate cessation of hostilities, reject all forms of hate speech and threats, and call on their communities to uphold these commitments,” the statements read.

According to a joint communiqué, the talks were described as transparent and constructive, though it remains unclear when the next round of negotiations will take place.

The M23 group has seized two major towns in eastern Congo, and the resulting violence has led to the deaths of thousands.

These Qatar-mediated peace efforts follow a high-level meeting last month between Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi and Rwandan President Paul Kagame, which was also facilitated by the Gulf nation.

The two leaders called for a ceasefire after their talks.

This latest dialogue appears to be laying the groundwork for direct negotiations between the Congolese government and M23—a group that Kinshasa has long refused to recognize as a legitimate negotiating party, labeling it a terrorist organization.

Rwanda, for its part, has consistently denied supporting the M23 rebels.

Why Is There a Conflict in Congo?

The conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is deeply rooted in regional instability, historical grievances, and competition over natural resources.

The M23 rebel group, composed largely of Tutsi fighters, emerged from the remnants of a previous rebel movement and claims to defend the rights of Congolese Tutsis.

However, the group has been accused of war crimes, including massacres and forced displacement of civilians.

The DRC has long accused neighboring Rwanda of backing M23 as a proxy to exert influence over mineral-rich regions in eastern Congo—a claim Rwanda has repeatedly denied.

The area is home to vast deposits of gold, coltan, and other valuable resources, fueling both internal and external power struggles.

Decades of conflict, weak governance, and a lack of trust between regional powers have made peace elusive.

Now some regional observers say the involvement of international actors like Qatar now brings cautious optimism that diplomacy could replace violence as the primary means of resolving disputes in the region.

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The sanctions come amid an intensifying M23 rebel offensive, which has triggered a mass displacement of civilians into neighboring Burundi.

In a statement issued Thursday, the Treasury Department said Kabarebe, a former army chief, was being sanctioned for his “central role in Rwanda’s support” for the M23 armed group.

“James Kabarebe is central to his country’s support for M23,” the statement emphasized.

Also targeted was Lawrence Kanyuka Kingston, a senior figure and spokesperson for the Congo River Alliance—which includes the M23—along with two companies he controls in the United Kingdom and France.

Kingston, a British national born in 1970, is an engineer who previously managed a company in London.

The Treasury Department stressed that the sanctioned individuals and entities were “linked to violence and human rights abuses” in the DRC.

“Today’s action underscores the need for Rwanda to return to negotiations under the Angola-led Luanda Process to achieve a resolution to the conflict in eastern DRC,” the statement read.

Rwanda has not immediately responded to the sanctions.

However, Kigali has consistently denied accusations from the United Nations, the U.S., and several other countries that it provides military support to the M23.

Rwanda, in turn, accuses the DRC of harboring the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), an armed group composed of Hutus who participated in the 1994 Rwandan genocide against the Tutsi.

The DRC government in Kinshasa claims Rwanda harbors “expansionist ambitions” and is exploiting Congolese mineral wealth. A recent UN report revealed that M23 rebels illicitly exported 150 tonnes of coltan to Rwanda in 2024.

Germany summons Rwanda ambassador 

Meanwhile, Germany announced on Thursday that it had summoned the Rwandan ambassador to Berlin in response to the M23’s territorial gains in eastern DRC.

“Backed by Rwanda, the M23 militia continues its offensive in eastern DRC. Rwanda must respect the integrity of the DRC and withdraw its troops,” Germany’s Federal Foreign Office said on the social media platform BlueSky. “We strongly condemn this violation of international law and have summoned the Rwandan ambassador.”

Berlin also urged Kinshasa to engage in dialogue with the M23 while acknowledging Rwanda’s “legitimate security concerns.”

The ongoing violence has resulted in the largest refugee influx into Burundi in 25 years. The UN refugee agency (UNHCR) reported that approximately 30,000 people had fled the DRC into Burundi to escape the fighting.

“People are still pouring in by the thousands every day,” said Brigitte Mukanga-Eno, UNHCR’s representative in Burundi, during a Wednesday press briefing.

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DISPLACED RETURN HOME

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These attacks killed over 100 civilians and injured hundreds more, violating international humanitarian law and likely constituting war crimes, according to Amnesty International.

Amnesty’s investigation involved interviews with 60 people, visits to several attack sites, and analysis of numerous verified photos, videos, and statements from witnesses and combatants.

The findings revealed that the M23 and Congolese forces repeatedly used inaccurate, ground-launched unguided rockets, including 122mm Grad rockets.

The inherent inaccuracy of these weapons and their deployment in densely populated areas put civilians at extreme risk.

“The shocking rise in the use of explosive weapons is a dangerous escalation in a conflict already marked by human rights violations,” said Agnès Callamard, Secretary General of Amnesty International.

“In the wake of intensified fighting, the M23 and Congolese army must stop using rockets, mortars, and other explosives in densely populated areas.

Both sides must adhere to international humanitarian law, taking all feasible precautions to minimize civilian harm.”

Bombings by Both Sides

International humanitarian law (IHL) mandates that parties in conflict distinguish between combatants and civilians.

It prohibits indiscriminate and disproportionate attacks, requiring all sides to take precautions to avoid harming civilians.

Attacks that result in civilian casualties are considered war crimes.

Explosive weapons with wide-area effects used in civilian zones are likely to have indiscriminate effects and cannot be aimed at specific military targets, as required by IHL.

In recent conflicts, such weapons have caused massive civilian suffering and have been used with blatant disregard for civilian protection.

This has led to 83 member states endorsing the 2022 Political Declaration to strengthen the protection of civilians from the humanitarian consequences of explosive weapons in populated areas.

In DRC, the increased use of explosive ordnance coincided with a large-scale offensive by the M23, which is largely supported by Rwanda’s Defence Force, according to UN reports.

Both sides have escalated attacks, with explosive weapons deployed in civilian areas. Despite a brief ceasefire in late July, fighting resumed heavily in October, including more explosive attacks on civilians.

Amnesty’s research highlighted several bombings that had particularly devastating consequences, underscoring the dangers of using explosive weapons in such environments.

Three attacks alone accounted for more than 50 civilian deaths, more than half of the total casualties.

Attacks Documented by Amnesty:

On 25 January 2024, an artillery round, likely fired by FARDC, hit a house in the Bukama neighborhood of Mweso, North Kivu, killing at least 19 people, including 15 children, and injuring 25 others. No military targets were present in the area at the time.

On 4 March 2024, munitions struck civilians fleeing an M23 assault on Nyanzale town, killing at least 17 and injuring many more.

On 3 May 2024, rockets fired by M23 hit a camp near Goma, killing 18 civilians, including 15 children.

Authorities in both DRC and M23 leaders have yet to respond to Amnesty’s preliminary findings.

“These bombings are continuing to endanger civilians,” said Callamard. “Despite the ceasefire, civilians, especially IDPs living in makeshift camps, remain at grave risk from explosive attacks.”

Stories of Loss and Trauma

Survivors of the attacks shared devastating stories.

John*, a father of seven, recounted the terrifying explosion at the 8ème CEPAC camp, which killed many, including children.

“It was apocalyptic,” he said. Angèle, who lost all four of her daughters, recalled, “They were reduced to ruins and torn bodies.”

Other survivors, displaced by violence, expressed anguish at the ongoing attacks.

“The M23 is killing us, the government is killing us, what have we done to deserve this?” one survivor asked.

The use of explosive weapons in densely populated areas has resulted in a significant rise in casualties and injuries, with hospitals in Goma reporting an increased number of patients treated for explosives-related wounds.

Amnesty called on international bodies to hold the perpetrators accountable, urging the International Criminal Court to investigate these deadly attacks as potential war crimes.

Amnesty also urged governments involved in the conflict to endorse the 2022 Political Declaration on the Protection of Civilians and to ensure that victims receive adequate support.

“Without accountability, violations will continue,” said Callamard. “The M23 and DRC’s army must stop bombing civilians immediately.”

–

All names changed for protection.

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Police said that Ntwali was killed in the early morning of January 18 in Kigali, the capital, after a car hit a motorcycle taxi he was riding, according to news reports, which said that police arrested the driver of that car.

Ntwali reported critically on governance and human rights issues in Rwanda on the YouTube-based outlet Pax TV-Ireme News, which he founded, and worked as an editor for the privately owned newspaper The Chronicles. He had repeatedly received threats over his work, according to news reports.

After his death, Human Rights Watch quoted one of the journalist’s friends saying Ntwali had survived “staged accidents” in Kigali. The BBC quoted an attendee of Ntwali’s funeral saying that unidentified people had previously tried to hit a motorcycle the journalist was riding.

“Given the frequent and grave threats that John Williams Ntwali faced for his journalism, Rwanda has a duty to provide a credible explanation for his death,” said CPJ Africa Program Coordinator Angela Quintal, in New York. “The current information available about his case leaves many questions unanswered. Authorities should also allow the involvement of U.N. and African Commission experts on extrajudicial killings in the investigation to bolster its credibility.”

A few days before his death, Ntwali aired a report on Pax TV-Ireme News, which has about 30,000 followers on YouTube, about the imprisonment of The Chronicles founder Christopher Kayumba, who is also a Rwandan politician. Ntwali also recently covered the plight of political prisoners in Rwanda, and allegations that detained YouTubers had faced torture behind bars.

That Human Rights Watch report said that Ntwali had told the organization in June 2022 that members of Rwanda’s intelligence agency ordered him to “change your tone” or else he would “see what happens.”

When asked for comment, Rwanda government spokesperson Yolande Makolo sent CPJ a link to a tweet saying that eight people had died in motorcycle taxi accidents in January, and that “groundless insinuations” did not help the case.

The U.S. Congress-funded broadcaster Voice of America quoted a local journalist saying that he was with Ntwali on the evening of January 17, and that Ntwali seemed cautious and was worried about being surveilled.

In a separate interview with VOA, Ntwali’s widow said she last saw him on the afternoon of January 17, and he texted her that evening saying he was on a motorcycle, but was unreachable after sending that message.

When CPJ contacted the Rwandan National Police for comment via messaging app, a representative said police could not comment because the case had been referred to prosecutors. CPJ emailed the National Public Prosecution Authority for comment and sent queries via messaging app, but did not receive any replies.

CPJ also emailed the Rwandan Ministry of Interior for comment but did not receive any reply.

Authorities previously detained Ntwali for 10 days in 2007 over his coverage of events linked to Rwanda’s 1994 genocide and held him again in 2016 on rape charges, which were later dropped and which the journalist said were retaliation for his investigative work.

(Source: CPJ)

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