Abdel-Malik al-Houthi said on Monday that Israeli involvement in Somaliland represents an act of aggression against both Somalia and Yemen and poses a serious threat to regional stability.

In a statement circulated by Houthi-affiliated media, he declared that the group’s armed forces would treat any Israeli presence in the territory as a legitimate target.

Israel announced on Friday that it had formally recognised Somaliland, becoming the first country to extend official recognition to the territory. Somaliland declared independence from Somalia in 1991 but has remained unrecognised by the international community.

Al-Houthi warned that Israel’s move would have far-reaching consequences, describing it as a hostile act not only toward Somalia and its neighbouring African states, but also toward Yemen, the Red Sea region, and countries along both of its coastlines.

Somaliland, which occupies a strategic location along the Gulf of Aden, has long sought international recognition. Despite its lack of formal status, it operates with its own government institutions, currency, passport system, and security forces.

Tensions between Israel and the Houthis have risen since October 2023, when Israel launched its war on Gaza. Since then, Israel has carried out multiple strikes in Yemen in response to Houthi attacks, which the group says are in solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza.

Israel’s recognition of Somaliland has drawn widespread criticism from regional and international actors, including the African Union, Egypt, Türkiye, the Gulf Cooperation Council, and the Saudi-based Organisation of Islamic Cooperation.

The European Union has also reaffirmed its support for Somalia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

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The recognition was announced following a videoconference meeting between Somaliland President Mohamed Abdullahi “Cirro” and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Both governments issued statements confirming the decision, which was formalized through a joint declaration of mutual recognition.

Israeli officials stated that the declaration, signed by Netanyahu, Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar, and President Cirro, establishes full diplomatic relations, including the exchange of ambassadors and the opening of embassies.

In a statement from the Office of the President of Somaliland, the government “warmly welcomes and deeply appreciates the historic and principled decision by the State of Israel to officially recognize its sovereignty and independence,” describing the move as a landmark achievement in its pursuit of international legitimacy.

“This recognition represents a milestone in Somaliland’s longstanding quest for international legitimacy, reaffirming its historical, legal, and moral entitlement to statehood,” the statement read. It emphasized that the recognition reflects mutual respect and shared strategic interests between the two sides.

Prime Minister Netanyahu said the move reflects growing political, diplomatic, and strategic alignment between Israel and Somaliland.

“This declaration is in the spirit of the Abraham Accords,” Netanyahu said, referencing the U.S.-brokered agreements that normalized relations between Israel and several Arab states. He congratulated President Cirro, praising his leadership and commitment to promoting regional stability and peace.

Somaliland’s presidential office stated that the recognition underscores Somaliland’s record as “a stable, democratic, and responsible partner in the Horn of Africa,” and opens a new chapter for cooperation in security, diplomacy, and development.

Israel announced plans to expand cooperation with Somaliland in agriculture, health, technology, and economic development. Netanyahu also extended a formal invitation for President Cirro to visit Israel to discuss shared interests and priority issues.

Somaliland indicated that it intends to join the Abraham Accords framework, describing it as a platform for dialogue, cooperation, and regional peace. The statement affirmed Somaliland’s commitment to building constructive partnerships, promoting shared prosperity, and contributing to peace and stability across the Middle East and Africa.

Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar noted that relations between Israel and Somaliland had developed over the past year through sustained dialogue. He added that Israel’s foreign ministry had been instructed to institutionalize ties across multiple sectors.

“We will work together to promote relations between our countries and peoples, regional stability, and economic prosperity,” Sa’ar said. Netanyahu also expressed gratitude to Mossad Director David Barnea and Israel’s intelligence services for their role in advancing the agreement, while wishing the people of Somaliland “success, prosperity, and freedom.”

Somaliland’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs welcomed the announcement, stating that momentum was building and that additional official statements were expected.

Somaliland declared independence from Somalia in 1991 after the collapse of Somalia’s central government. Since then, it has maintained its own government, security institutions, and electoral processes, though it had not previously received formal recognition from any country.

The Federal Government of Somalia, which considers Somaliland an integral part of its territory, is expected to issue an official response to Israel’s announcement.

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“Have the Iranians killed an American yet? No. Until they do, we’re not even discussing targeting their political leadership,” said a senior U.S. administration official familiar with the matter.

The officials, speaking on condition of anonymity, revealed that senior American and Israeli officials have been in constant communication since Israel launched a major military campaign—Operation Rising Lion—aimed at crippling Iran’s nuclear capabilities.

During those discussions, Israeli officials reportedly informed their American counterparts that they had a clear opportunity to eliminate Khamenei, but Trump overruled the plan.

While the sources did not confirm whether Trump personally delivered the message, they noted that he has been in frequent contact with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

When asked about the Reuters report during an appearance on Fox News Channel’s Special Report with Bret Baier on Sunday, Netanyahu dismissed the story, saying:

“There are so many false reports of conversations that never happened, and I’m not going to get into that.”

He added: “But I can tell you this: we’ll do what we need to do. And I think the United States knows what’s best for the United States.”

Israel–Iran Conflict Intensifies

Since June 13, Israel has conducted massive airstrikes across Tehran and other key Iranian locations, targeting nuclear facilities, missile launchers, the Defense Ministry, and critical energy infrastructure.

The strikes mark the third consecutive day of intense bombardment under Operation Rising Lion.

Iranian officials report at least 224 people killed and 1,481 injured, mostly civilians.

Among the dead are senior Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) commanders, including the IRGC intelligence chief and two high-ranking generals.

In retaliation, Iran has launched multiple waves of ballistic missiles and drones at Israel, including more than 70 overnight strikes.

Some of these breached Israeli air defenses and struck populated areas such as Tel Aviv, Bat Yam, and Haifa.

On the Israeli side, at least 10 to 14 people have been killed, with hundreds injured and extensive damage reported to homes and infrastructure in major cities.

Tel Aviv’s main airport remains closed, further escalating concerns over the widening scope of the conflict.

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Announced by State Minister for Foreign Affairs Ali Omar, the move was couched in the language of sovereignty. He described the C6+ as an “obsolete structure,” no longer aligned with Somalia’s needs or aspirations.

But strip away the diplomatic varnish, and a far more troubling reality emerges.

This is not about independence. It’s about insulation.

A Dangerous Message at a Dangerous Time

The decision comes at a perilous moment: less than a year before Somalia’s 2026 elections, with the country divided over how those elections should be conducted—and by whom.

At the center of the storm is the long-promised but still elusive shift to a one-person, one-vote system. President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s administration claims to champion this model, but critics accuse it of bulldozing ahead without consensus, sidelining opposition leaders, and ignoring regional concerns.

The national dialogue meant to resolve these differences has stalled. Trust has evaporated. And now, the one international platform still capable of mediating across the divide—the C6+—has been ejected from the room.

“This isn’t reform. It’s retreat,” said a senior opposition figure. “The government is not just rejecting outside interference—it’s dismantling the last guardrails of accountability.”

In the absence of strong domestic institutions, the C6+ played an imperfect but essential role: applying pressure, facilitating mediation, and serving as a diplomatic conscience in Somalia’s fragile political landscape.

During the 2021–2022 electoral crisis, it was this bloc that helped force a return to dialogue. Its statements, visits, and joint positions mattered—not because they imposed decisions, but because they provided balance in a country where politics too often tips toward brinkmanship.

Now, with that structure cast aside, Somalia risks heading into its most consequential election in years without a neutral referee.

It’s like pulling the fire alarm out of the wall while the building is still on fire.

Sovereignty vs. Spin

Supporters of Villa Somalia frame the decision as a bold stand for Somali sovereignty. They argue the C6+ imposes foreign agendas and that Somalia must now walk its own path.

But critics—at home and abroad—see it differently.

“Sovereignty is not an excuse for power hoarding,” says Hodan Ahmed, a democracy activist in Mogadishu. “If the government truly respected the Somali people’s right to choose, it would build inclusive processes—not dismantle the only external mechanisms capable of encouraging that inclusion.”

In truth, the timing of this move is revealing. With pressure mounting over constitutional changes and increasing questions about whether the upcoming elections will be free and fair, Villa Somalia has chosen to shut out scrutiny rather than engage with it.

This isn’t just about one coordination group. It’s about the kind of country Somalia is becoming—and what kind of leadership it wants to project.

Across the Horn of Africa, democratic backsliding is becoming a trend. From Ethiopia’s shrinking civic space to Sudan’s total collapse, the region is watching as strongmen close ranks and institutions decay.

Somalia is at a crossroads

This government could choose to lead by example—building consensus, inviting oversight, and showing the world that fragile states can still produce strong democracies.

Or it can keep dismantling every mechanism that questions its authority and drift further into isolation, repression, and instability. 

Somalia’s international partners now face a dilemma: step back and risk being sidelined—or recalibrate, double down on principled engagement, and find new ways to support civil society, local peacebuilders, and inclusive dialogue.

Meanwhile, domestic actors must ask hard questions. If this government can unilaterally kick out the C6+ today, what—or who—gets sidelined tomorrow?

This is not just a test of diplomacy. It’s a test of democracy. Somalia’s future cannot be built on exclusion. The country needs bridges, not barricades. Dialogue, not decrees. Oversight, not opacity.

The rejection of the C6+ might bring short-term political relief for Villa Somalia. But it risks ushering in a long-term crisis—a vacuum of trust, a collapse of dialogue, and the unraveling of the fragile gains made over the past decade.

The question now isn’t just who will stand with Somalia. It’s whether Somalia’s leaders will stand with their own people. Because if no one’s left at the table, everyone pays the price.

———

Abdirahman Jeylani Mohamed is a journalist and the Director of Arlaadi Media Network. You can reach him on X (Twitter) @JaylaaniJr.

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Interior Minister Mazen al-Faraya announced Wednesday the closure of all Brotherhood offices and the confiscation of its assets.

“All activities by the group will now be considered illegal,” he said.

The Muslim Brotherhood has not yet responded to the government’s accusations.

This move comes as part of a broader national security response after Jordan’s intelligence services arrested 16 individuals suspected of plotting attacks against key infrastructure and national institutions.

Authorities say the group possessed explosives, homemade rockets, drones, and automatic weapons, and had conducted training both inside Jordan and abroad—including in Lebanon.

A Jordanian court last week charged 12 of the suspects, believed to be linked to the Brotherhood, with terrorism-related crimes.

It is the first time in decades that a domestic group has faced accusations of plotting an attack of this magnitude.

Although the Muslim Brotherhood has for years been legally dissolved in Jordan—following a 2020 court ruling that found the group failed to correct its legal registration—the organization has continued to operate politically and socially, primarily through its political arm, the Islamic Action Front (IAF).

In last year’s elections, the IAF secured 31 of the 138 seats in parliament.

The latest measures significantly limit the group’s remaining influence in Jordan, as political tensions intensify in the region due to the ongoing war between Israel and Hamas in Gaza.

Analysts say the government is increasingly wary of internal dissent or mobilization that could be fueled by the conflict.

IAF Secretary-General Wael Saqqa has denied any organizational ties between the party and the banned Brotherhood network, stating that the IAF is “independent and operates lawfully.”

Still, Minister Faraya maintains that elements within the Brotherhood have been working covertly to undermine national stability.

“Their activities pose a serious threat to the country’s peace and security,” he said.

Founded in Egypt nearly a century ago, the Muslim Brotherhood has long promoted the establishment of Islamic rule based on Sharia law and has branches or affiliated movements across the Middle East.

Jordan’s latest crackdown marks one of the most aggressive moves yet against the group in the kingdom.

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A statement issued by Puntland clarified that the administration respects the rights of Palestinians to live peacefully and securely in their homeland.

In a counter-statement issued on Sunday, Puntland’s Minister of Information, Mohamud Aidid Dirir, clarified the government’s position, stating:

“The Puntland government respects the rights of Palestinians to live in peace and prosperity in their country.”

This statement follows comments made by Puntland’s Deputy Minister of Information, Yaquub Abdalle, in an interview with The Daily Telegraph, where he suggested that Puntland would welcome Palestinians if they were relocated there.

However, Minister Dirir emphasized that the Deputy Minister’s remarks were his personal opinion and did not reflect the official stance of the Puntland government.

Puntland reiterated that it would not be part of any plan to relocate Palestinian refugees.

News of Puntland allegedly accepting the U.S. proposal has spread widely across international media, particularly in Western and Israeli outlets.

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If this latest three-phase ceasefire deal is ratified — and there is no certainty that it will be by Israel — it will, I expect, be little more than a presidential inauguration bombing pause. Israel has no intention of halting its merry-go-round of death.

The Israeli cabinet has delayed a vote on the ceasefire proposal while it continues to pound Gaza. At least 81 Palestinians have been killed in the last 24 hours.

The morning after a ceasefire agreement was announced, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu accused Hamas of reneging on part of the deal “in an effort to extort last minute concessions.” He warned that his cabinet will not meet “until the mediators notify Israel that Hamas has accepted all elements of the agreement.”

Hamas dismissed Netanyahu’s claims and repeated their commitment to the ceasefire as agreed with the mediators.

The deal includes three phases. The first phase, lasting 42 days, will see a cessation of hostilities. Hamas will release some Israeli hostages – 33 Israelis who were captured on Oct. 7, 2023, including all of the remaining five women, those aged above 50, and those with illnesses – in exchange for up to 1,000 Palestinians imprisoned by Israel.

The Israeli army will pull back from the populated areas of the Gaza Strip on the first day of the ceasefire. On the 7th day, displaced Palestinians will be permitted to return to northern Gaza. Israel will allow 600 aid trucks with food and medical supplies to enter Gaza daily.

The second phase, which begins on the 16th day of the ceasefire, will see the release of the remaining Israeli hostages. Israel will complete its withdrawal from Gaza during the second phase, maintaining a presence in some parts of the Philadelphi corridor, which stretches along the eight-mile border between Gaza and Egypt. It will surrender its control of the Rafah border crossing into Egypt.

The third phase will see negotiations for a permanent end of the war.

But it is Netanyahu’s office that appears to have already reneged on the agreement. It released a statement rejecting Israeli troop withdrawal from the Philadelphi Corridor during the first 42-day phase of the ceasefire. “In practical terms, Israel will remain in the Philadelphi Corridor until further notice,” while claiming the Palestinians are attempting to violate the agreement. Palestinians throughout the numerous ceasefire negotiations have demanded Israeli troops withdraw from Gaza. Egypt has condemned the seizure of its border crossings by Israel.

The deep fissures between Israel and Hamas, even if the Israelis finally accept the agreement, threaten to implode it. Hamas is seeking a permanent ceasefire. But Israeli policy is unequivocal about its “right” to re-engage militarily. There is no consensus about who will govern Gaza. Israel has made it clear the continuance of Hamas in power is unacceptable. There is no mention of the status of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), the U.N. agency that Israel has outlawed and that provides the bulk of the humanitarian aid given to the Palestinians, 95 percent of whom have been displaced. There is no agreement on the reconstruction of Gaza, which lies in rubble. And, of course, there is no route in the agreement to an independent and sovereign Palestinian state.

Israeli mendacity and manipulation is pitifully predictable.

The Camp David Accords, signed in 1979 by Egyptian president Anwar Sadat and Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin, without the participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), normalized diplomatic relations between Israel and Egypt. But the subsequent phases, which included a promise by Israel to resolve the Palestinian question along with Jordan and Egypt, permit Palestinian self-governance in the West Bank and Gaza within five years, and end the building of Israeli colonies in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, were never honored.

Or take the 1993 Oslo Accords. The agreement, signed in 1993, which saw the PLO recognize Israel’s right to exist and Israel recognize the PLO as the legitimate representatives of the Palestinian people, and Oslo II, signed in 1995, which detailed the process towards peace and a Palestinian state, was stillborn. It stipulated that any discussion of illegal Jewish “settlements” was to be delayed until “final’ status talks, by which time Israeli military withdrawals from the occupied West Bank were to have been completed. Governing authority was to be transferred from Israel to the supposedly temporary Palestinian Authority. The West Bank was carved up into Areas A, B and C. The Palestinian Authority has limited authority in Areas A and B. Israel controls all of Area C, over 60 percent of the West Bank.

The right of Palestinian refugees to return to the historic lands seized from them in 1948 when Israel was created — a right enshrined in international law — was given up by the PLO leader Yasser Arafat, instantly alienating many Palestinians, especially those in Gaza where 75 percent are refugees or the descendants of refugees. Edward Said called the Oslo agreement “an instrument of Palestinian surrender, a Palestinian Versailles” and lambasted Arafat as “the Pétain of the Palestinians.”

The scheduled Israeli military withdrawals under Oslo never took place. There was no provision in the interim agreement to end Jewish colonization, only a prohibition of “unilateral steps.” There were around 250,000 Jewish colonists in the West Bank at the time of the Oslo agreement. They have increased to at least 700,000. No final treaty was ever concluded.

The journalist Robert Fisk called Oslo “a sham, a lie, a trick to entangle Arafat and the PLO into abandonment of all that they had sought and struggled for over a quarter of a century, a method of creating false hope in order to emasculate the aspiration of statehood.”

Israeli prime minister Yitzhak Rabin, who signed the Oslo agreement, was assassinated on Nov. 4, 1995 following a rally in support of the agreement, by Yigal Amir, a far-right Jewish law student. Itamar Ben-Gvir, now Israel’s National Security Minister, was one of many rightwing politicians who issued threats against Rabin. Rabin’s widow, Leah, blamed Netanyahu and his supporters — who distributed leaflets at political rallies depicting Rabin in a Nazi uniform — for her husband’s murder.

Israel has carried out a series of murderous assaults on Gaza ever since, cynically calling

the bombardment “mowing the lawn.” These attacks, which leave scores of dead and wounded and further degrade Gaza’s fragile infrastructure, have names such as Operation Rainbow (2004), Operation Days of Penitence (2004), Operation Summer Rains (2006), Operation Autumn Clouds (2006) and Operation Hot Winter (2008).

Israel violated the June 2008 ceasefire agreement with Hamas, brokered by Egypt, by launching a border raid that killed six Hamas members. The raid provoked, as Israel intended, a retaliatory strike by Hamas, which fired crude rockets and mortar shells into Israel. The Hamas barrage provided the pretext for a massive Israeli attack. Israel, as it always does, justified its military strike on the right to defend itself.

Operation Cast Lead (2008-2009), which saw Israel carry out a ground and aerial assault over 22 days, with the Israeli air force dropping over 1,000 tons of explosives on Gaza, killed 1,385 — according to the Israeli human rights group B’Tselem — of whom at least 762 were civilians, including 300 children. Four Israelis were killed over the same period by Hamas rockets and nine Israeli soldiers died in Gaza, four of whom were victims of “friendly fire.” The Israeli newspaper Haaretz would later report that “Operation Cast Lead” had been prepared over the previous six months.

Israeli historian Avi Shlaim, who served in the Israeli military, wrote that:

the brutality of Israel’s soldiers is fully matched by the mendacity of its spokesman…their propaganda is a pack of lies…It was not Hamas but the IDF that broke the ceasefire. It did so by a raid into Gaza on 4 November that killed six Hamas men. Israel’s objective is not just the defense of its population, but the eventual overthrow of the Hamas government in Gaza by turning the people against their rulers.

These series of attacks on Gaza were followed by Israeli assaults in November 2012, known as Operation Pillar of Defense and in July and August 2014 in Operation Protective Edge, a seven week campaign that left 2,251 Palestinians dead, along with 73 Israelis, including 67 soldiers.

These assaults by the Israeli military were followed in 2018 by largely peaceful protests by Palestinians, known as The Great March of Return, along Gaza’s fenced-in barrier. Over 266 Palestinians were gunned down by Israeli soldiers and 30,000 more were injured. In May 2021, Israel killed over 256 Palestinians in Gaza following attacks

by Israeli police on Palestinian worshippers at the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound in Jerusalem. Further attacks on worshippers at Al-Aqsa mosque took place in April 2023.

And then the breaching of the security barriers on Oct. 7, 2023 that enclose Gaza, where Palestinians had languished under a blockade for over 16 years in an open air prison. The attacks by Palestinian gunmen left some 1,200 Israeli dead — including hundreds killed by Israel itself — and gave Israel the excuse it had long sought to lay waste to Gaza, in its Swords of Iron War.

This horrific saga is not over. Israel’s goals remain unchanged – the erasure of Palestinians from their land. This proposed ceasefire is one more cynical chapter. There are many ways it can and, I suspect, will fall apart.

But let us pray, at least for the moment, that the mass slaughter will stop.

–

Chris Hedges is a Pulitzer-prize winning journalist, best-selling author and activist. Follow him at @ChrisLynnHedges

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Images posted online showed AU security personnel confronting the diplomat during the opening ceremony of the summit, before she left the auditorium.

“Israel looks harshly upon the incident in which the deputy director for Africa, Ambassador Sharon Bar-Li, was removed from the African Union hall despite her status as an accredited observer with entrance badges,” the foreign ministry said.

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