According to reports, the meeting was attended by Hawadle elders and members of Al-Shabaab. Footage from the meeting has also been circulated by media outlets affiliated with Al-Shabaab.

In 2022, the Macawiisley forces, largely drawn from the Hawadle community, played a major role in driving Al-Shabaab out of large parts of Hiiraan.

These operations were backed by the Somali government and U.S. airstrikes.

The early victories of that offensive, however, did not last long.

Al-Shabaab recaptured much of the territory it had lost, and throughout 2025 and beyond, the group carried out attacks and staged a resurgence in parts of central Somalia.

The EUAA documented that between April 2025 and March 2026, Al-Shabaab was involved in numerous security incidents across Hiiraan, including attacks targeting security forces and Hawadle militias.

Maxaas itself was seized by Al-Shabaab in July 2025 following a heavy assault, according to available reports.

That event dealt a severe blow to local and government forces, as Maxaas had served as a vital operational hub for government troops and the Macaw’isley.

Rural communities in Hiiraan have long endured warfare, displacement, economic collapse, and security fears.

The local Macaw’isley fighters suffered heavy losses while fighting Al-Shabaab, whereas government support for the local forces became a matter of intense controversy.

Recent reports indicate that some former members of the Macaw’isley described the war during the Maxaas meeting as one that brought heavy losses, stressing the necessity of prioritizing the safety of the populace and the future of the region.

This may signify that a segment of the local population is now prioritizing physical security and daily livelihoods, even if doing so compels them to engage with a faction they have fought against for years.

Should the reported agreement prove genuine and effective, it could fundamentally alter the security landscape of Hiiraan.

The immediate consequence could be a significant decrease in hostilities between Al-Shabaab and the Hawadle militias, potentially affording the community an opportunity to resume freedom of movement, commerce, and daily life.

Conversely, if the Macaw’isley and other armed groups halt their campaign, Al-Shabaab could secure an opening to solidify its presence across rural Hiiraan.

This is precisely why this development is viewed as a security concern transcending a mere localized clan pact.

Horn Review assessed this development as a limited, localized understanding that remains vulnerable to shifts in political or military dynamics.

The Federal Government of Somalia faces a difficult dilemma: how will it respond to an arrangement struck between a faction of local elders and Al-Shabaab, should the pact be substantiated?

If the government forcefully opposes the agreement, certain local residents may perceive that Mogadishu fails to account for their acute security and political grievances.

Should the government accept or overlook it, Al-Shabaab could exploit the situation to demonstrate that the state lacks the capacity to resolve conflicts or protect the territories it claims to govern.

Therefore, the government’s response will need to combine security measures, political engagement, and community reconciliation.

This development occurred amid political friction between certain Hawadle leaders and the Federal Government concerning the political architecture of Hirshabelle.

Recent reports indicate that factions of Hawadle politicians and elders sought prior agreement regarding power-sharing and the leadership of Hirshabelle, whereas the federal government and other stakeholders were pushing forward with the electoral process.

This renders the Maxaas incident far more than a purely military matter. It represents an intersection of three core elements: security, Hirshabelle’s internal politics, and the relationship between the Federal Government and the Hawadle community.

Yet another risk persists. If Al-Shabaab exploits the agreement to expand its governance, taxation, and security dominance, the community could find itself trapped in an environment with severely constrained political and security options.

Internal divisions may likewise emerge. Some may support the agreement viewing it as a pathway to peace, while others reject it out of the conviction that the pact grants Al-Shabaab undue leverage.

Such a scenario could prove even more volatile than before, as mutual trust collapses and armed factions vie to recapture strategic territories or positions.

It is also possible that political friction between the government and segments of the Hawadle community could intensify if the arrangement with Al-Shabaab is perceived as a direct consequence of unaddressed political grievances.

Should the Somali government wish to prevent the proliferation of such agreements across central Somalia, the response cannot rely on military operations alone.

It is vital that local forces receive consistent support, salaries, logistics, and a formalized institutional framework under which they operate.

It is equally essential to resolve Hirshabelle’s political disputes through dialogue, particularly concerning matters of power-sharing and representation.

Ultimately, local populations require sustainable government services, security, and administrative presence.

If territory is liberated from Al-Shabaab but lacks enduring governance and security structures, the risk remains that the group will stage a comeback.

The EUAA has previously documented how Al-Shabaab successfully recaptured portions of territory it had lost.

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The dispute comes at a critical moment for Hirshabelle politics after the Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP) selected Gudlawe as its presidential candidate for the regional election.

The decision has sparked sharp disagreements among politicians, traditional elders, and sections of the public, particularly in Hiiraan.

On September 24, a large protest took place in Beledweyne, drawing community members, politicians, elders, and civil society representatives.

Demonstrators opposed efforts to proceed with the election process in Hiiraan before a broader political agreement is reached among key stakeholders.

The protest followed earlier rallies supporting Gudlawe and the JSP decision. On September 12, hundreds of residents joined a pro-Gudlawe demonstration in Beledweyne attended by regional and district officials who backed his candidacy and the continuation of the electoral process.

The competing demonstrations highlight deep divisions within the city over both the election process and the future leadership of Hirshabelle.

At the center of the dispute is not only Gudlawe’s candidacy but also broader questions about political representation, power-sharing, and decision-making within the state.

Critics argue that unresolved political grievances must be addressed before any election can move forward.

Traditional elders, politicians, and community leaders from the Hawadle clan have repeatedly stated that they will not accept an election in Hiiraan unless a political agreement is reached beforehand.

On September 17, Hawadle leaders called for the suspension of the ongoing electoral process, demanding a more inclusive framework based on consensus, representation, and agreed power-sharing arrangements. The position was reaffirmed again on September 22.

Supporters of the protests say the demonstrations are a legitimate way for Hiiraan residents to express their political concerns. They argue that holding an election without broad local consensus could deepen political divisions and create further instability.

Some political figures in Beledweyne have also called for dialogue involving the Federal Government of Somalia, Hirshabelle authorities, traditional elders, politicians, and civil society groups to address grievances related to Hiiraan’s role within the state administration.

Those backing this position believe that meaningful discussions on political representation and regional influence should take place before any election is held.

On the other hand, supporters of Gudlawe insist that the election should proceed under the existing framework. They argue that democratic competition, rather than political deadlock, should determine Hirshabelle’s next leader.

Several politicians from Hiiraan have publicly endorsed Gudlawe.

On September 14, former Hirshabelle President Ali Abdullahi Osoble and members of the Hawadle Supreme Political Council met Gudlawe in Mogadishu and expressed support for his political agenda, including participation in the planned electoral process.

Their backing underscores the fact that opinions within the Hawadle community itself are far from unified regarding both Gudlawe’s candidacy and the election process.

The political dispute has also reached the upper levels of the Hirshabelle administration. Hirshabelle Vice President Yusuf Ahmed Hagar, known as Dabageed, has publicly stated that he would not work with Gudlawe if the incumbent wins another term.

Dabageed has argued that the concerns of Hiiraan residents are not about leaving Hirshabelle but about what he described as the region being denied a fair opportunity to lead the state. His comments have added another layer to the growing political divide.

Analysts and local observers say continued protests could place additional pressure on the electoral process.

Opponents of the election are likely to use public demonstrations to highlight their objections, while supporters may continue pushing for the process to move forward as scheduled.

Without meaningful dialogue, the dispute could become more entrenched, with both sides mobilizing their supporters and maintaining competing political campaigns.

While peaceful demonstrations remain a legitimate form of political expression, there are concerns that rising tensions could create security challenges if rival groups clash.

Local leaders and authorities are therefore being urged to ensure that political disagreements do not escalate into confrontation.

The current situation in Beledweyne reflects two competing visions for Hirshabelle’s future. One side believes elections should be postponed until a comprehensive political agreement is reached regarding governance, representation, and power-sharing.

The other supports moving ahead with the election and allowing voters and political institutions to determine the state’s next leader.

Both sides say they are acting in the interests of Hirshabelle, but they differ sharply on how those goals should be achieved.

The debate also touches on a long-standing issue within Hirshabelle, which is made up of the Hiiraan and Middle Shabelle regions.

Questions surrounding political representation and the distribution of power between the two regions have remained a recurring source of political tension since the state’s formation.

The latest dispute in Beledweyne has once again brought those issues to the forefront. Many local leaders argue that resolving the current crisis will require more than deciding who becomes president.

Instead, they say the discussion must address broader concerns about governance, representation, and the future political structure of Hirshabelle.

As political tensions continue to rise, the coming weeks are expected to be crucial in determining whether dialogue and compromise can ease divisions or whether the dispute over the election process will further deepen existing political fault lines within the state.

The post Beledweyne Divided Over Hirshabelle Election Process appeared first on Kaab TV.

The incident has renewed concerns that clan-based violence and revenge killings remain among the most significant challenges facing Hirshabelle, despite repeated promises by political leaders to strengthen security and reconciliation efforts.

Reports indicate that the soldier, Ahmed Shire Hussein, was serving in the Somali National Army and had been on leave from his military duties when he was allegedly killed in the Ceel Baraf area.

Local sources have linked the incident to a clan-related dispute, although authorities have yet to officially confirm the motive.

For many observers, the killing is a troubling reminder of similar incidents that have occurred in the same area. In late 2024, seven Somali National Army soldiers were reportedly killed in El Baraf after returning from front-line operations.

That incident sparked widespread outrage across the country, and the soldiers were later buried in Beledweyne. At the time, Hirshabelle President Ali Guudlaawe condemned the killings and pledged that those responsible would be brought to justice.

The latest incident inevitably raises a difficult question: what has changed since then?

President Ali Guudlaawe has led Hirshabelle for nearly six years, governing a federal member state that has long struggled with political divisions, clan grievances, and disputes over power-sharing between its two constituent regions, Hiiraan and Middle Shabelle.

One of the greatest challenges facing his administration has been maintaining the confidence of communities in both regions.

Hiiraan, in particular, has remained a source of political tension for the Hirshabelle leadership. Beledweyne, the regional capital of Hiiraan, has often been at the center of those disputes.

Over the years, political disagreements and public dissatisfaction have created periods during which President Guudlaawe faced difficulties visiting the city.

In August 2026, Hirshabelle Vice President Yusuf Dabaged publicly discussed plans for Guudlaawe to travel to Beledweyne and engage directly with local residents and community leaders, acknowledging the need to address longstanding grievances.

Reports at the time noted that previous efforts to visit the city had faced obstacles.

These tensions illustrate that Hirshabelle’s challenges extend beyond clan violence. They are deeply intertwined with politics, governance, representation, and public trust.

A central political question remains whether a regional leader can effectively govern when a significant portion of the population continues to feel politically marginalized.

Beledweyne is not only the capital of Hiiraan but also one of the most important cities within Hirshabelle.

The regional administration officially operates there, and government ministries have continued implementing programs in the city throughout 2026.

If the president cannot regularly work from or freely travel to Beledweyne because of political or security concerns, critics argue that it weakens the administration’s ability to project authority and maintain unity between Hiiraan and Middle Shabelle.

At the same time, it would be unrealistic to suggest that any single leader can solve deeply rooted clan conflicts alone. Hirshabelle encompasses communities with different histories, political interests, and grievances.

Those disputes have at times evolved into political confrontations, inter-clan violence, and tensions that directly affect civilians and government security personnel.

The security environment further complicates the situation. While some areas continue to face threats from Al-Shabaab, others are dealing with local conflicts and governance challenges.

As a result, Hirshabelle finds itself confronting three major crises simultaneously: political divisions, clan conflicts, and the ongoing insurgency.

Beledweyne itself has witnessed numerous political disputes and security incidents in recent years. In 2022, clashes in the city led to the death of the Beledweyne Police Station commander, prompting President Guudlaawe to establish an investigative committee.

The city has also been a focal point for political movements advocating greater autonomy for Hiiraan.

Former Hiiraan Governor Ali Jeyte Osman was even selected in Beledweyne as the interim president of the self-declared Hiiraan State initiative, highlighting the depth of political dissatisfaction among some groups in the region and the continuing debate over Hirshabelle’s political structure.

The issue has become even more sensitive as Somalia moves toward a contentious electoral period.

In August 2026, the disputed National Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission announced 12 districts in Hirshabelle where elections would be held, including six in Hiiraan region and Beledweyne itself.

However, tensions over the electoral process quickly surfaced. Reports indicated that Ma’awisley fighters took control of some voter registration centers in Beledweyne, opposing plans to conduct elections associated with the Hirshabelle administration.

The incident underscored how political disputes in Hiiraan are increasingly linked to broader questions about governance, representation, and control of the region’s political future.

The debate surrounding the killing of Ahmed Shire therefore extends beyond a single criminal act. It touches on larger concerns about state authority, justice, and the ability of institutions to protect citizens and members of the security forces regardless of clan affiliation.

If a national army soldier can travel within Hirshabelle and allegedly be killed because of clan-related grievances, many Somalis will question whether the state is fulfilling its fundamental responsibility to guarantee equal protection under the law.

For President Guudlaawe, the path forward may depend on pursuing a more comprehensive reconciliation process. Symbolic meetings and public declarations alone are unlikely to resolve the underlying issues.

Community leaders, politicians, elders, and civil society groups will need to reach genuine agreements aimed at ending revenge killings, strengthening the justice system, and ensuring that disputes are settled through legal institutions rather than violence.

Building trust in Hiiraan remains particularly important. Many observers argue that Guudlaawe must engage more consistently with the people of Beledweyne and demonstrate that the city remains an integral part of the administration he leads.

Residents of Hiiraan, they argue, must feel that they enjoy the same political and administrative rights as communities elsewhere in Hirshabelle.

Failure to address these grievances risks deepening political tensions, which could in turn fuel further instability and weaken government authority.

Continued clan violence would only compound the challenges already posed by Al-Shabaab and the region’s fragile political environment.

The killing of Ahmed Shire Hussein has therefore become more than a tragic security incident.

It has emerged as a test of whether Hirshabelle’s leadership can strengthen the rule of law, rebuild trust across regional and clan lines, and demonstrate that every citizen—whether soldier or civilian—can travel safely within the territory it governs.

For President Ali Guudlaawe, the challenge is clear: to prove that Hirshabelle can move beyond recurring conflict, heal divisions between Hiiraan and Middle Shabelle, and build a more stable and inclusive future for all its communities.

The post Hirshabelle’s Clan Conflict Failures: Where Does Ali Gudlaawe Stand? appeared first on Kaab TV.

According to a statement from NISA, the planned raid was executed in the Biyo Madobe area, under Jicibow, where security forces eliminated seven members of the extremist group. The operation also destroyed a truck carrying ammunition.

“The army, in cooperation with international partners, conducted a pre-planned operation today in the village of Biyo Madobe, under the Jicibow area of the Hiiraan region, killing seven members of the Khawarij and destroying a truck filled with ammunition packed in sacks by the group,” the agency said.

NISA added that the raid is part of its ongoing campaign targeting key Al-Shabaab strongholds throughout the region.

The post NISA, International Partners Kill Seven Al-Shabaab Militants in Hiiraan Operation appeared first on Kaab TV.

The town’s commissioner, Osman Hussein Guure, confirmed the development, stating that government-aligned forces vacated the area earlier in the day.

“We have withdrawn from the town and are now stationed a short distance away,” Chairman Guure told reporters, adding that the retreat was part of a strategic maneuver and that the situation may shift again soon.

Tardo is the second town in Hiiraan to fall into Al-Shabaab’s hands in recent weeks.

On July 6, the militant group captured Moqokori — another strategic location previously under Ma’awiisley control — following a deadly attack that began with bomb blasts.

The back-to-back advances by Al-Shabaab in Hiiraan have sparked growing concern among local communities, who fear further instability as the group intensifies its operations in the region.

The post Al-Shabaab Captures Tardo Town in Central Somalia After Local Forces Withdraw appeared first on Kaab TV.

The town, which had been liberated from the al-Qaida-linked group in September 2022 during a government-backed uprising led by Hawadle clan fighters, fell back into militant hands after a coordinated raid involving four suicide car bombings, followed by a ground assault.

The Somali government has not officially commented on the attack, which marks one of the deadliest in the region this year.

According to multiple sources interviewed by Kaab TV, the attack began in the early hours of Monday after Al-Shabab fighters reportedly disabled local telecommunications networks, cutting off the town from outside communication.

The militants then launched their assault using Turkish-made armored vehicles rigged with explosives.

“Al-Shabab terrorists attacked us early Monday morning. They used four armored trucks as suicide bombs — it was impossible to stop them,” said Adan Gedi, a Ma’awisley fighter who survived the attack.

The armored vehicles used in the bombing are believed to be among the military hardware previously seized by Al-Shabab from Somali forces during past operations, including equipment originally donated by Turkey.

Following the explosions, Ma’awisley fighters and government troops reportedly fled the area, allowing Al-Shabab militants to storm the town.

Witnesses said the insurgents were later seen patrolling the streets, while many residents fled in fear.

Among those killed was Abdi Muumin Xiish, a senior Hawadle commander and the recently appointed head of Somalia’s National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) in Hiiraan.

Reports of Betrayal and Lack of Support

Survivors expressed anger at what they described as a lack of government support and alleged internal sabotage.

Multiple frontline accounts shared with Kaab TV claimed that Ma’awisley fighters were instructed to stand down during critical moments in the fighting — and some even alleged that drone strikes mistakenly targeted their own ranks.

“The drones didn’t come for Al-Shabab — they hit our men,” said Abdi Mohamud, another fighter. “Al-Shabab came from Lower Shabelle, Middle Jubba, Bay, and Bakool. Nobody stopped them. No intelligence, no warning.”

Liban Abdirahman, Deputy Minister for Internal Security in Hirshabelle State, acknowledged the limitations of relying solely on local militias.

“This war can only be led by a government, not by locals. For four years, these brave men have fought alone. Many have died. Too many resources have been lost,” he said.

“The federal government and international partners must step up. Instead, they appear distracted by elections and political maneuvering.”

Security experts warn that Al-Shabab is expanding both its operational reach and propaganda efforts, particularly in Hiiraan, Lower Shabelle, and Middle Shabelle.

Local elders report that some clans are entering bey’ah — an Islamic agreement of submission — with the militants, seeking to avoid further bloodshed.

Al-Shabaab seizes Turkish-donated armored vehicle, amid a deadly battle in central Somaliahttps://t.co/NIGgnFc8MC pic.twitter.com/QxULkfONAr

— Kaab TV (@KaabTV) December 26, 2023

Meanwhile, divisions within Somalia’s security forces and deepening clan rivalries have raised further concerns.

The group’s infiltration into government ranks has bred mistrust within the military and intelligence services.

While these security challenges mount, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud is facing criticism for focusing federal attention and resources on Sanaag region, where tensions are rising between Puntland forces and SSC-Khatumo, a new local administration.

“The Somali government is losing towns and villages to Al-Shabab at a frenetic pace,” said Rashid Abdi, a Nairobi-based regional analyst.

“Yet Villa Somalia continues to deploy troops and airlift weapons to Sanaag to back proxy factions. Fighting Al-Shabab should be the top priority — but sadly, it never has been.”

The fall of Moqokori raises urgent questions about Somalia’s ongoing counterterrorism strategy and its ability to defend liberated territories as it faces continued attacks from one of Africa’s most lethal insurgencies.

The post Suicide Bombs, Armored Vehicles, and Betrayal: How Moqokori Fell to Al-Shabab Again appeared first on Kaab TV.

The strike reportedly occurred near Moqokori, about 230 kilometers north of Mogadishu.

According to Abdi Hassan, a commander with the Hiiraan-based Ma’awisley militia, the strike hit a group of their fighters who were aligned with government forces in the fight against al-Shabaab.

“Twelve of our men were killed when the airstrike—likely carried out by a drone—hit our position,” he said.

The area has seen a surge in fighting between clan militias and al-Shabaab militants in recent weeks.

However, the United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) issued a statement on Wednesday (21 May) confirming an airstrike in the region but said it targeted al-Shabaab militants, not allied local forces.

The strike was carried out on May 17 near Mabaax, roughly 200 kilometers north of Mogadishu.

“Al-Shabaab has proven its intent and capability to attack U.S. forces,” AFRICOM stated. “AFRICOM, alongside the Federal Government of Somalia and Somali Armed Forces, continues to take action to degrade al-Shabaab’s ability to plan and conduct attacks that threaten the U.S. homeland, our forces, and our citizens abroad.”

AFRICOM did not disclose details about casualties or the type of drone used, citing operational security.

Somali federal officials have not issued any statement regarding the reported deaths of the 12 militia members or the conflicting accounts surrounding the strike.

READ MORE: Rape and militia attack unleash fear and anger in Somalia’s Hiiraan province

The post Somalia Clan Militia Claims 12 Fighters Killed in Airstrike; AFRICOM Says Target Was al-Shabaab appeared first on Kaab TV.

Security officials from the Somali federal government and the Hirshabelle regional administration confirmed that Al-Shabaab launched a multi-front assault and swiftly took full control of the town.

Hirshabelle’s Minister of Security, Mohamed Kheyre, confirmed that Al-Shabaab is now in control of Aadan Yabaal.

The town had previously served as a key operational base for Somali government forces and allied local militias.

It played a significant role in ongoing military campaigns against Al-Shabaab in the Middle Shabelle region.

The exact casualty toll from the fighting remains unclear, but local residents reported fatalities and injuries during the early morning clash.

#UPDATE: Early Wednesday morning, Al-Shabaab militants launched a coordinated attacks on Adan Yabaal district from multiple directions, Somali security officials have confirmed.

The militant group has now issued a statement claiming to have “captured the strategic town and… pic.twitter.com/1A2k3aMyo9

— Kaab TV (@KaabTV) April 16, 2025

Al-Shabaab, which is the Al-Qaeda affiliated group, claimed responsibility for the attack, stating they had captured government and local militia bases in the town.

Photos circulated on social media showed Al-Shabaab fighters inside Aadan Yabaal’s police station, with images of seized weapons, military vehicles—including those donated by Somalia’s international partners—and food supplies.

What the fall of Aadan Yabaal means?

Several military officers are reportedly missing, with some believed to have fled the town.

The Somali government has not yet issued a statement regarding the missing officers.

The fall of Aadan Yabaal means the federal government now controls only three towns in the Middle Shabelle region: Jowhar, Mahaday, and Bal’ad. The rest of the region is now under Al-Shabaab control.

Additionally, government forces have reportedly withdrawn from Yasooman and Aboorey in the Hiiraan region, where heavy fighting with Al-Shabaab had occurred over the past week.

President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud briefly addressed the loss of Aadan Yabaal, calling it “a one-day setback” that does not define the broader fight against Al-Shabaab.

The post Al-Shabaab Captures Key Town of Aadan Yabaal in Middle Shabelle After Fierce Assault appeared first on Kaab TV.

The Al-Shabaab militants launched an unexpected attack on the Aboorey area in the Hiiraan region, where Macawisley militia members from the Hawadle clan were stationed.

Al-Shabaab stated that they killed several members of the Ma’awisley militia in the battle and seized military vehicles.

Ma’awisley militia officials confirmed their casualties but also reported killing some of the attackers.

In addition, Al-Shabaab carried out assaults on several areas in the Middle Shabelle region, with reports indicating that local civilians are fleeing the affected areas.

Photos circulated on social media show military and cargo vehicles, some of which were set on fire during the attacks.

On Tuesday, Al-Shabaab militants entered the El Ahmed and Al-Kowthar areas in the Middle Shabelle region, where they remain stationed as of now.

Civilians have started fleeing

There is rising fear in Aadan Yabaal, where both government forces and the Ma’awisley militia had been present.

A local source told Kaab TV that civilians in Aadan Yabaal have started fleeing, fearing a possible battle as Al-Shabaab forces have advanced into nearby areas.

Al-Shabaab had previously captured the Ruun Nirgood district in the Middle Shabelle region.

Meanwhile, Al-Shabaab militants took control of several key areas last week, including El Baraf, Ali Fooldheere, Iid-Iidka, and Miir Tuugo, where government forces have yet to regain control.

The Ministry of Defence in Somalia has not commented on Al-Shabaab’s activities or the areas they have seized.

The Hirshabeelle administration also remains silent, with President Ali Guudlaawe absent from the city of Jowhar.

In Jowhar, government forces have been conducting operations in the Hawadley area, but military officials have not yet commented on these actions.

The Ministry of Information has posted on social media that several Al-Shabaab militants were killed during these recent assaults.

The post Al-Shabaab Carries Out Attacks in Hiiraan and Middle Shabelle, Civilians Flee appeared first on Kaab TV.

Speaking at the Prosecutors’ Conference in Mogadishu on Wednesday, Shuute noted that since the arming of Macawiisley militias began in 2022, their abuses have escalated, including attacks against government forces.

“The number of cases involving Macawiisley militias has risen significantly. Their violations have increased by 11%,” Colonel Shuute stated.

The Macawiisley militia is a clan-based armed group in central and southern Somalia, formed to defend local communities against Al-Shabaab.

Named after the traditional Somali “macawiis” wrap, they identify as civilian fighters rather than a formal military force.

Their activities escalated in 2022 when President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud openly backed their mobilization as part of a government-led offensive against Al-Shabaab, providing them with significant support in 2022 and 2023.

Mr. Shuute recalled that in 2022, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and the Council of Ministers issued a directive requiring that cases involving Macawiisley be handled by the military court within three months.

“Since 2022, we have been dealing with this issue. I want to ask the Minister of Justice to find a solution so that this responsibility is removed from us,” Shuute said.

This is not the first time concerns have been raised about the Macawiisley militia.

Journalists and human rights activists have previously criticized the government’s decision to arm the clan-based militia, warning of abuses.

The rise in Macawiisley activities has been evident since their involvement in the 2022 war against Al-Shabaab.

Initially supported by government forces, the militia played a key role in the offensive, but the campaign later faltered, raising concerns over their conduct.

Atrocities attributed to the Macawiisley militia include sexual violence against women and girls, the burning of villages, and enforced disappearances in Hiiraan and Middle Shabelle, where much of the fighting took place.

In September 2022, a young man was beheaded, and another had his genitals mutilated by Macawiisley fighters after the former governor of Hiiraan, Ali Jeyte Osman, announced a $5,000 reward for anyone who brought the head of an Al-Shabaab fighter.

However, the militia allegedly began targeting unarmed civilians in pursuit of monetary rewards.

The post Abuses by Somali President’s Ally, Macawiisley Militia, Surge by 11% – Military Court Chief appeared first on Kaab TV.