Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s attempt to extend his term by a year, and take over the executive powers of the government will only add another layer to the country’s already complex and endless crisis—and could make it far worse.

Let’s take a closer look at Somalia’s recent history: Somalia’s powerful president, Mohamed Siad Barre, left Mogadishu on January 26, 1991, after rebel militias entered the capital and overthrown his powerful military government.

Before his departure, several attempts were made by elders and politicians to mediate between Siad Barre and the opposition.

The proposed plan, formalized in what is now known as ‘The Manifesto Communique‘, was for President Siad, who was in power for 21 years, to step down, hand over authority to a transitional civilian administration for the country and its people, and hold elections.

Unfortunately, this did not happen. The political dispute escalated into a full-blown conflict, and the government, which possessed Africa’s most powerful air, land, and sea forces, collapsed almost immediately. Its leaders ended up in exile and as refugees, and the country plunged into civil war—a civil war that made my family victims.

In the same year, 1991, one faction of the opposition appointed Mogadishu businessman Ali Mahdi Mohamed as “interim president“. However, this was immediately rejected by General Mohamed Farrah Aidid’s faction. Notably, Ali Mahdi established a constitution and even issued his own currency that circulated in parts of Mogadishu.

Mediation efforts between Ali Mahdi and General Aidid failed. This led to four months of intense street clashes, ultimately resulting in the “Green Line,” which divided Mogadishu into two parts. As a young boy, I vividly remember the days when we had to flee from one neighborhood to the other, passing through merciless militiamen and rockets being fired.

In August 2000, Abdiqasim Salad Hassan was elected president in Djibouti without full national agreement. When he arrived in Mogadishu, his administration was confined to a few blocks of the capital (from KM4 and Tarabuunka). He could not even access the presidential palace – the Villa Somalia – and both the Mogadishu port and the airport were closed by militias.

Abdiqasim’s government formed in Djibouti was based on a constitution forming a Transitional National Government (TNG). However, many of the Somali political factions rejected it. Several clan-based attempts to negotiate with Mogadishu’s faction leaders failed.

Finally, in 2004, while Abdiqasim remained in Mogadishu, a fresh reconciliation conference in Nairobi, Kenya, established the Transitional Federal Government (TFG), with Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed as president. Mogadishu warlords were admitted into it becoming ministers and MPs—including those who had split from Abdiqasim’s TNG administration.

In 2008, with President Abdullahi Yusuf still in office, the third Djibouti conference was organized, involving portion of president Yusuf’s TFG administration and the Islamic Courts Union (ICU). This was pushed by the international community as the last attempt to end the conflict between TFG and the ICU.

Seeing that he had no support or power, President Abdullahi Yusuf resigned honorably on December 29, 2008. Djibouti then saw Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed elected as president.

In September 2012, Somalia held its first domestic election in decades. President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed ran again but was defeated. A month before the election, in August 2012, the current Provisional Federal Constitution was drafted and ratified.

In April 2021, when President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo’s term ended, opposition in Mogadishu rejected his attempt to extend power. This led to clashes in the city, with gunfire forcing around 100,000 people to flee within a week. Multiple warnings to the government were ignored. Those days, my colleagues and I were stuck in my office, but we continued reporting the developments in the city.

It is important to remember that Farmaajo had developed his own election laws, established his own election commission, and even used offline and online trolls to amplify his narratives—but all of this collapsed following the April 2021 conflict.

Historically, these events offer crucial lessons. Every incident today has parallels in the past, and learning from history is vital. Any attempt—whether changing the constitution or introducing unilateral laws—that is not accepted by the people ends in destruction and division. Somalia is not Djibouti, nor Eritrea, nor Turkey.

Hassan Sheikh Mohamud may still turn a blind eye to the crisis in the remaining days of his term, but the truth remains: history tends to repeat itself. The current situation will end the way it has always ended in the past. I hope wisdom returns before things get any worse.

The post Somalia Enters a Dangerous Term Extension, and A Step Toward Dictatorship, Chaos, and Bloodshed appeared first on Kaab TV.

There should have been government-led development, but instead, there were government problems unlike anything seen before in Somalia’s history.

Government development refers to the level of progress and improvement made by a government across all services and institutions essential to society, aiming to achieve a better life, stability, and a sustainable future.

Key features of development include:

Good Governance: Transparency, accountability, fighting corruption at all levels, and upholding the rule of law.

Quality Social Services: Access to education, reliable healthcare, electricity, and consistent public services.

Security and Order: Functional police and army, ensuring safety for citizens and businesses.

Economic Development: Job creation, infrastructure development (roads, ports, airports), and support for business and investment.

Justice and an Independent Judiciary: Functional courts, punishment for criminals, and protection for victims.

Civic Participation: Free and fair elections, allowing people to vote and engage in governance.

A Society Governed by Its Own Government: Ensuring the nation’s institutions serve the people effectively.

These were the goals Somalia should have achieved. Instead, under Hassan Sheikh, the country faced the following issues, which will define his legacy after 65 years:

Organized civil strife.

Severed national unity.

Serious harm to the cohesion of the Somali nation.

Unjustified attacks, such as those in Ra’s-Kambooni and Balad-Hawo.

Displacement and targeting of specific groups.

Inter-tribal conflicts, including cases as extreme as burning a person alive.

Mass displacement, including students.

Abuse of power.

Low revenue collection.

Disbandment of the National Army.

Government agencies competing against each other.

Absence of effective governance: During Hassan Sheikh’s four years, the country was led by stagnation and incompetence, contributing to all existing problems.

Disappearance of checks and balances within the government.

Division of Somali citizens into three categories by Hassan Sheikh:

A) Those who cry.

B) Those who curse.

C) Those left destitute on the streets.

The legacy of Hassan Sheikh’s government ended in issues unseen in the past 65 years, including hatred, abuse of power, displacement, unrest, and the enrichment of a few families at the expense of the people they swore to serve.

During his four years in office, every letter in the dictionary of wrongdoing was applied, and anything that attracted the leader’s attention was exploited.

The post Four (4) Years Wasted in Somalia! appeared first on Kaab TV.

On 3 November, the Ministry of Youth and Sports announced that it had filed a legal case with the Office of the Attorney General against several members of SOC.

The move came a day after Minister Ali suspended the Chairperson and Secretary of the Somali Olympic Committee, Mr. Ahmed Abdi Hassan Wataac and Secretary Mohamed Abdow Haji, citing allegations that they had engaged in conduct violating the country’s sports regulations, ethical standards, and administrative laws.

“The Minister of Youth and Sports of Somalia has suspended the Chairperson and Secretary of the Somali Olympic Committee (SOC), Mr. Ahmed Abdi Hassan Wataac and Secretary Mohamed Abdow Xaaji, after they were found to have engaged in conduct violating the country’s sports regulations, ethical standards, and administrative laws,” said a statement released by the ministry.

Both Wataac and Haji have denied the allegations and emphasized their independence from the ministry.

Mr. Wataac told local media that the minister had illegally transferred the ministry’s properties for auction without due process.

“Now the minister, who is connected to the Office of the President, is using his power to seize the Somali Olympic Committee headquarters building,” Mr. Wataac added.

According to sources, the conflict began when Minister Ali attempted to exert control over the Olympic Committee, including decisions on overseas travel for athletes and officials.

Insiders are saying that some government officials have used overseas trips as opportunities for human trafficking, and Somalia’s sports sector has not been immune from such scandals.

The dispute shows no signs of ending soon. Minister Ali is considered influential due to his marriage to President Hassan Sheikh’s niece, Mrs. Hinda Ulusow, who also serves as Chief Protocol Officer at Villa Somalia.

At the same time, Mr. Ahmed Abdi Hassan Wataac maintains strong clan connection within Mogadishu, further complicating the standoff.

The post Power Struggle Escalates Between Somalia’s Youth and Sports Minister and Olympic Committee Leadership appeared first on Kaab TV.

In the same cabinet meeting, ministers announced the appointment of Mohamed Mohamud Abdulle (known as Mohamed Dheere) as the new Accountant General of the Federal Government.

Anas, for his part, had earlier announced that he had resigned in August 2025, though he remained in the post until the government formally appointed his successor.

“I, Abdirahman Mohamed Anas, would like to express my sincere gratitude to the President of the Federal Republic of Somalia, H.E. Dr. Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, for entrusting me with this important responsibility. It has been an honor to serve in this role, which I did not seek but was chosen for by the President,” said Anas.

“I would like to clarify that my decision to step down was entirely personal. I formally submitted my resignation to the President on August 31, 2025, to allow sufficient time for a smooth transition,” he added.

I formally submitted my resignation to the President on August 31, 2025- Anas Wrote on his Facebook.

Who is Anas?

Abdirahman Mohamed Anas was previously a staff member at SIMAD University, working in the student finance department. There, he met Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, one of the university’s founders.

Anas also worked at Premier Bank, a financial institution in which President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud reportedly has a stake.

He hails from the Shiikhaal Gendershe clan, one of the minority groups categorized under the so-called “0.5 clans.”

Tensions had been simmering for months between Anas and the Minister of Finance, Bihi Iman Ige, who is said to have close family ties with one of President Hassan Sheikh’s wives.

Sources within the Ministry of Finance told Kaab TV that the dispute began after Anas repeatedly blocked several financial requests signed by Minister Ige.

A similar conflict had also occurred earlier between Minister Ige and the Auditor General, Ahmed Guutaale, who both hail from different Hawiye sub-clans.

A senior official close to the Accountant General’s office told Kaab TV that several mediation efforts were made between Anas and Biixi Cige, but Anas insisted that either he or the minister must step down and that the cabinet should decide the matter.

The cabinet’s final decision was to remove Anas and replace him with Mohamed Dheere, a former Minister of Finance and Education in the Hirshabelle regional administration.

The New Accountant General

Mohamed Dheere, who twice served as a minister in the Hirshabelle administration, hails from the Hawiye/Hawaadle clan of the Hiiraan region.

He is described as a close ally of Farah Abdulkadir, the current Federal Minister of Education and a key member of the Damu Jadiid faction that currently dominates Villa Somalia.

The dismissal of the Accountant General comes at a time when both the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) — which had been providing budgetary support to Somalia — recently informed the government that they would suspend their financial assistance due to widespread corruption.

This decision coincides with reports of a missing $1 billion, allegedly raised from the sale of public land acquired through forced evictions in Mogadishu, which President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud is accused of personally appropriating.

The post Somali Cabinet Ousts Accountant General After Dispute with Finance Minister appeared first on Kaab TV.

According to documents submitted to the U.S. Embassy in Nairobi on August 16 for visa applications, the Somali government plans to send a 32-member delegation.

Among those listed are President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, his daughter, and his son.

Equally striking is the presence of four individuals who are married couples, raising suspicions that family ties rather than official responsibilities dictated their inclusion.

The itinerary further shows the delegation will spend 15 days in New York—an extended stay in one of the world’s most expensive cities, funded by a government that relies almost entirely on international aid.

Also on the list are two deputy prime ministers, the husband of the president’s chief of protocol (himself a sitting MP), and a number of government employees with no apparent role in the UN Assembly’s proceedings.

The makeup of the delegation has fueled criticism that the trip serves more as a taxpayer-funded excursion for political insiders and relatives than as a focused diplomatic mission.

Beyond the question of cost, new concerns are emerging that some individuals on the list may not return to Somalia after the trip.

Observers including opposition MPs warn that such practices risk facilitating irregular migration or even human trafficking under the cover of official delegations—a phenomenon that has been reported in other fragile states where oversight is weak.

This controversy comes at a sensitive time. Somalia remains unable to consistently pay the salaries of its civil servants, soldiers, and teachers.

Yet it is preparing to cover the travel, accommodation, and allowances of more than 30 individuals in New York for two weeks.

Adding to the irony, the U.S. government has recently reimposed visa restrictions on Somalia under President Donald Trump’s new immigration laws—measures that make travel more difficult for ordinary Somali citizens, but which political elites appear able to sidestep with relative ease.

Somalia also continues to rank as one of the most corrupt countries in the world, where accountability for financial crimes, money laundering, and abuse of power is virtually nonexistent.

To critics, the UNGA delegation list is not an isolated misstep but a telling symptom of a deeper governance crisis—one where public resources are exploited for personal gain while the population is left to shoulder the consequences.

The post Somali Government Under Fire for Sending 32-Member Family-Filled Delegation to UNGA appeared first on Kaab TV.