According to a report presented by the government and supporting experts, Ethiopia’s need for sea access is grounded in international law, historical justice, and principles of cooperative partnership.

The government argues that Ethiopia—now home to more than 120 million people—requires access to the sea to safeguard its national interests, accelerate economic development, and contribute meaningfully to regional stability.

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, featured in the report, stated that Ethiopia’s request for sea access is supported by legal, historical, geographical, and economic foundations. He emphasized that diplomatic efforts to achieve this goal will continue.

Officials and experts working with the government, including Tilahun Tefera from the Ethiopian Policy Studies Institute (PSI), described the loss of Ethiopia’s coastline as a historical injustice that must be corrected.

Tilahun urged scholars, the media, diplomats, and the Ethiopian diaspora to fully support the country’s pursuit of sea access.

Similarly, Gashaw Ayferam from the Institute of Foreign Affairs said the loss of sea access resulted from external pressure and internal weakness. He stressed that reclaiming sea access is viewed by Ethiopia as an essential national priority.

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“This blatant suspension of Deutsche Welle’s journalists is an outrageous act of censorship and intimidation,” said CPJ Africa Director Angela Quintal. “Ethiopian authorities are weaponizing media laws to silence independent reporting and control the narrative. The government must immediately lift the suspension, stop harassing journalists, and respect the public’s right to information.”

In an October 23 letter, the authority informed Deutsche Welle that it had temporarily suspended DW Amharic service correspondents in Ethiopia, saying that their reporting violated the country’s media and hate speech laws, DW reported. The authority further said DW’s reports were “not in line with professional ethical standards.”

According to the letter, the authority had previously summoned DW representatives several times for discussions, feedback sessions, and written warnings, including a “final written warning” in September 2022, but claimed that “no tangible improvements were observed.”

In a statement sent to CPJ, DW said the EMA letter contained no “concrete allegations” against its coverage and called on Ethiopian authorities to specify which reports allegedly breached media proclamations.

The suspension comes amid a broad expansion of the Ethiopian Media Authority’s powers, following an April 17, 2025 amendment to the country’s media law. The amendment weakened public participation and transparency requirements in the authority’s board appointments and transferred key regulatory powers, including the ability to suspend, revoke, or fine media licenses, directly to the authority.

The EMA did not reply to CPJ’s emailed request for comment on the coverage that resulted in the suspension.

(Source: CPJ)

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The delegation, led by Maj. Gen. Islam Radwan, Egypt’s Deputy Commander of the Second Field Army, was welcomed at Mogadishu airport by AUSSOM and Somali National Armed Forces (SNAF) officers.

According to AUSSOM, the delegation later met with mission leaders, including SRCC and Head of Mission Ambassador El Hadji Ibrahima Diene, and attended a security briefing at the AUSSOM Force Headquarters.

“The delegation will also inspect key facilities for deployment & logistics of Egyptian troops in Mogadishu and in the field,” AUSSOM said in a statement.

Egypt is reportedly planning to send up to 10,000 troops to Somalia, with 5,000 soldiers joining a new African Union peacekeeping force at the end of 2024 and another 5,000 to be deployed separately.

Analysts warn the deployment could heighten regional tensions.

The ongoing Ethiopia–Egypt dispute over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) has already strained bilateral relations.

Ethiopia, which has historically played a major role in Somali security, may view the Egyptian presence as a challenge to its influence.

Meanwhile, Somali regional states could perceive the foreign deployment with suspicion, increasing the risk of political friction or local instability.

A 16-member Egyptian Armed Forces delegation arrived in Mogadishu today for a reconnaissance mission before deploying a military contingent to AUSSOM.

Led by Maj. Gen. Islam Radwan, the delegation was welcomed by AUSSOM & Somali National Armed Forces (SNAF) officers. They later… pic.twitter.com/xETjVqo7F0

— AUSSOM (@aussom_) August 31, 2025

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Ambassador Dedefo officially presented his credentials to Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud during a ceremony held in Mogadishu on August 5, 2025.

Somalia’s Foreign Minister Abdisalan Dhaay was also in attendance, underscoring the importance of the occasion.

His appointment comes after nearly a year and a half of strained relations between Mogadishu and Addis Ababa.

Tensions reached a peak in April 2024, when Somalia expelled Ethiopia’s previous ambassador and ordered the closure of its embassy in Mogadishu.

However, Ethiopia’s diplomatic missions in Hargeisa (Somaliland) and Garowe (Puntland) continued to operate.

The diplomatic fallout was triggered by Ethiopia’s Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed with Somaliland on January 1, 2024.

The agreement granted Ethiopia access to a 20-kilometer stretch of coastline for a port and military base, coupled with a pledge to recognize Somaliland’s independence—a move the Somali federal government viewed as a breach of its sovereignty.

In mid-2024, Ethiopia further raised eyebrows by upgrading its consulate in Hargeisa to a full embassy, in what many interpreted as a symbolic recognition of Somaliland, although Ethiopia has yet to officially declare formal recognition.

Diplomatic conflict

Efforts to repair the rift culminated in the Ankara Declaration on December 12, 2024, a Turkey-brokered agreement that laid out a framework for resolving the dispute and pursuing mutually beneficial cooperation under Somali sovereignty.

In February 2025, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed visited Mogadishu, and by January, Somalia’s foreign minister announced that the diplomatic conflict had been resolved without any concessions from Somalia.

Ambassador Dedefo brings decades of experience to his new post.

He previously served as Ethiopia’s Ambassador to Djibouti, where he chaired the IGAD Committee of Ambassadors, and later as Ambassador to the United Arab Emirates, playing a key role in strengthening economic and strategic partnerships between Ethiopia and the Gulf.

Known for his commitment to peace, regional integration, and democratic governance, Ambassador Dedefo is also believed to have supported the people of Somaliland’s right to self-determination, although he has not made such views public.

His posting is seen as part of Ethiopia’s broader strategy to reset ties with Somalia and reaffirm its role as a stabilizing force in the Horn of Africa.

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The Ministry extended condolences to the families of the victims and urged Ethiopian citizens to avoid irregular migration routes.

It called on those seeking employment abroad to do so through legal and authorized channels.

Highlighting its ongoing efforts to create safer labor migration opportunities, the government said thousands of Ethiopians have already benefited from official programs.

It also warned against the dangers posed by human trafficking and smuggling networks, emphasizing the need for public awareness and strict adherence to regulated migration processes.

IOM statement

In a statement, the Ministry expressed deep sorrow over the incident and said it is working with international and regional partners to uncover the full details.

“The International Organization for Migration (IOM) is profoundly saddened by the tragic loss of life after a vessel carrying 200 migrants capsized off the coast of Shuqrah, in Yemen’s Abyan Governorate on 3 August,” IOM said in a statement.

At least 56 people are reported dead, 14 of them female, with many of the victims believed to be Ethiopian nationals, IOM added.

The total number of those missing stands at 132.

So far 12 survivors, all male, have been found.

IOM reported that the victims were part of a group of migrants whose vessel capsized while attempting to cross the Gulf of Aden, near Yemen’s Abyan Governorate.

According to the IOM, all the victims were Ethiopian nationals.

Dozens of bodies have been recovered along the Yemeni coast, while search operations continue for those still missing.

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The suspects were allegedly plotting coordinated bomb attacks and destabilization campaigns across Ethiopia.

NISS said the group is affiliated with the ISIS faction operating out of Somalia’s Puntland region, where they are believed to have received training before being dispatched to Ethiopian cities.

Authorities said the aim of the suspects was to expand ISIS operations inside Ethiopia and establish clandestine bases to recruit and mobilize new fighters.

NISS stated that it had obtained credible intelligence and concrete evidence linking the suspects to international networks that provided them with intelligence, financial, and logistical support.

The arrests took place in multiple locations, including Addis Ababa, Sheger, Adama, Shashamane, Harar, Bale, Jimma, Shaakiso, Jigjiga, Shawe, Silte, Halaba, Qulito, and Kamise.

Ethiopian Security officials said further investigations are ongoing and vowed that anyone found to be connected to the network will be brought to justice.

The crackdown follows recent warnings from Ethiopian security officials about growing threats from extremist elements operating in neighboring Somalia.

Last month, Ethiopia’s Chief of Defense Forces, Field Marshal Berhanu Jula, told the national parliament that the country faces a major security risk from armed groups heavily concentrated inside Somalia.

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Human rights organisations across Africa, Asia, and Europe have raised urgent concerns over the looming execution of hundreds of foreign nationals in Saudi Arabia, many of whom were convicted of non-lethal drug offences.

Among those at imminent risk are scores of Egyptian, Ethiopian, and Somali men, currently held in Saudi prisons under death sentences.

According to figures from the Saudi Press Agency, 98 people have already been executed for drug-related offences in 2025, marking a dramatic increase. Rights groups say many prisoners now live in “a state of terror,” with executions carried out without warning and amid serious due process violations.

In Najran Prison, in southwestern Saudi Arabia, at least 37 Ethiopian and 27 Somali nationals are on death row. So far this year, 19 Somalis and 7 Ethiopians have been executed, most on charges of “smuggling hashish.”

In June alone, 12 Somali men and 3 Ethiopian nationals were executed, with fears that more executions are imminent.

End extrajudicial executions 

In Tabuk Prison, in the northwest, 26 Egyptian nationals are also on death row for drug-related crimes. At least three Egyptians have been executed this year, including Mahmoud Mohamed Khamis and Farhat Abu al-Saud, executed on May 24 and 25, respectively.

Other prisoners have reportedly been told they will be executed following the Eid al-Adha holiday, which ended on June 10. On that day, the UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial executions called on Saudi Arabia to halt the executions and end the death penalty for drug crimes, stating that violations of fair trial guarantees make such sentences “arbitrary and unlawful.”

Human rights organisations warn that many of those on death row may be victims of human trafficking, coerced or deceived into transporting drugs under threats or false promises. Yet most were denied a fair trial, with limited or no access to legal representation, consular assistance, or appeal processes.

Court documents and testimonies reviewed by rights groups point to systematic abuses, including torture during interrogations, reliance on forced confessions, and lack of legal transparency — all in violation of both Saudi law and international human rights standards, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Arab Charter on Human Rights.

Saudi authorities routinely withhold the bodies of executed prisoners and fail to notify families in advance, who often only learn of executions through the media.

The location of burial sites is typically not disclosed.

As of 17 June 2025, 154 executions have been reported this year, an 80% increase from the same period in 2024 — the year with the highest number of executions in Saudi Arabia (345). Of those executed this year, 69 were foreign nationals from 11 African and Asian countries, including Somalia (19), Pakistan (12), Ethiopia (7), and Egypt (3).

International law strictly limits the use of the death penalty to the “most serious crimes,” interpreted to mean crimes involving intentional killing. Drug offences do not meet this threshold. While Saudi Arabia observed a short-lived moratorium on drug-related executions from January 2021 to November 2022, it was never formally codified, and executions resumed at alarming rates.

Despite repeated promises from Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman to reduce the use of the death penalty, including pledges made as recently as March 2022, Saudi Arabia remains among the world’s top executioners. Rights groups note that some executions are carried out in secret and not publicly reported — with 49 of the 196 executions in 2022 never formally announced by state media.

In response to the ongoing crisis, over 30 human rights organisations have issued a joint appeal urging Saudi authorities to:

• Immediately commute all death sentences for non-lethal offences;
• Establish an official moratorium on executions;
• And reform legislation to align with international human rights standards.

Signatory organisations include:

African Academy of Diplomacy (AAD), ALQST for Human Rights, Somali Journalists Syndicate (SJS), ECPM, Amnesty-associated national coalitions, DAWN, Reprieve, European Saudi Organisation for Human Rights (ESOHR), MENA Rights Group, Women’s Action for Human Rights (WAHR), among many others across Africa, the Middle East, and Europe.

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Field Marshal Berhanu Jula, Chief of the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), told lawmakers in Addis Ababa on Saturday that foreign military deployments in Somalia—under the guise of cooperation—pose serious concerns for the region’s stability and Ethiopia’s sovereignty.

“The threat is real,” Berhanu said in a briefing to the Ethiopian parliament. “There are foreign forces inside Somalia whose strategic intent raises serious concerns for Ethiopia’s stability.”

While Berhanu did not explicitly name Egypt, his remarks come amid reports confirming that Cairo signed a military cooperation agreement with the Somali federal government in August 2024.

The deal reportedly allows Egypt to deploy up to 10,000 troops to Somalia—half under the African Union’s stabilization mission (AUSSOM), and the rest under a separate bilateral arrangement.

The agreement also includes provisions for weapons transfers.

Berhanu noted that the Horn of Africa is a region plagued by land and maritime tensions and warned of forces actively working to block Ethiopia from accessing the sea.

“We are ready to solve the region’s problems together,” he said. “But there are forces that do not want Ethiopia to approach the sea gate.”

Ethiopia maintains troops in Somalia as part of both the African Union’s stabilization effort and a bilateral security arrangement.

However, Berhanu suggested that the expanding Egyptian presence may be part of a broader strategy to encircle or weaken Ethiopia—especially given longstanding tensions between the two countries over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) on the Nile River.

Egypt sees the GERD as a threat to its water security, while Ethiopia considers it a critical development project.

Ethiopia’s national interest in Somalia 

“Our presence in Somalia has always been about supporting peace and counterterrorism,” Berhanu told lawmakers. “But the environment is shifting, and we have to reassess what’s in our national interest.”

He did not disclose the number of Ethiopian troops operating in Somalia under bilateral terms but said defense officials are reevaluating Ethiopia’s strategic posture in light of “emerging regional threats,” including Al-Shabaab.

Meanwhile, Somali officials have defended the Egypt-Somalia military pact, arguing that it aims to rebuild the Somali National Army and strengthen regional security.

They maintain that Egypt’s participation in AUSSOM was approved by the African Union and poses no threat to neighboring countries.

The timing of the Egypt-Somalia agreement has further strained already tense relations between Addis Ababa and Mogadishu.

In January 2024, Ethiopia signed a controversial Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Somaliland, granting it access to a portion of the Red Sea coast in exchange for what Somaliland leaders described as a pathway toward formal recognition.

The Somali federal government immediately denounced the deal as a violation of its sovereignty, recalled its ambassador, and declared the agreement null and void.

Tensions between Ethiopia and Somalia persisted for nearly a year, only beginning to ease following a Turkish-brokered dialogue in late 2024, in which both sides agreed to pursue future cooperation on maritime access.

Ethiopia has maintained its commitment to the Somaliland deal but has not publicly withdrawn from it.

Somaliland authorities continue to assert that the agreement remains valid.

In a recent development, Somaliland officials told reporters that President Abdirahman Irro is expected to visit Addis Ababa soon to hold direct talks with Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed regarding the MoU.

Ethiopian officials have stated that the MoU is still pending, but they remain committed to securing maritime access through diplomatic channels.

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According to sources within the Somaliland presidency, President Irro is seeking a “first-hand discussion” with PM Abiy on the MoU signed on 1 January 2024 between Ethiopia and Somaliland.

The agreement, signed under former President Muse Bihi Abdi, granted Ethiopia a 50-year lease on a stretch of Somaliland’s coastline on the Gulf of Aden in exchange for potential recognition of Somaliland’s independence — a move that triggered strong opposition from Somalia’s federal government in Mogadishu.

“President Irro is committed to securing Somaliland’s full international recognition — nothing less than that,” an aide to the president, who requested anonymity, told our reporter. “He wants clarity and direct engagement with the Ethiopian leadership before moving forward.”

The MoU, which remains pending implementation, has been a central focus of Irro’s early diplomatic efforts since taking office.

Last month, during a visit to neighbouring Djibouti, Irro held discussions with Ethiopian diplomats led by Kebede Abera Ido, Ethiopia’s Deputy Ambassador to Djibouti.

Their talks covered regional security, Red Sea maritime access, trade corridors, and investment opportunities.

“The President discussed with the Ambassadors the development of the region’s economy, investment opportunities, trade facilitation, infrastructure, and increased humanitarian aid,” said Hussein Aden Ige, spokesperson for the Somaliland presidency, in a May statement.

Deputy Ambassador Kebede confirmed Ethiopia’s interest in deepening cooperation with Somaliland, particularly in areas of trade and security.

Ethiopia, a landlocked nation, has long sought alternative routes for sea access to enhance its import and export capabilities.

In a sign of intensifying international outreach, President Irro also met with foreign diplomats in Nairobi last week, where he reiterated Somaliland’s longstanding call for international recognition.

“We have not come to Nairobi today with a begging bowl,” Irro told the gathering. “We are not looking for handouts. We are here to build genuine partnerships with governments, investors, and institutions that understand the value of mutual benefit.”

Among many Somalilanders, hopes remain high that Ethiopia’s engagement could be a breakthrough toward international recognition, a goal that has eluded the self-declared republic since its separation from Somalia in 1991.

Irro’s administration appears determined to capitalise on this momentum, even amid diplomatic tensions with Mogadishu.

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