Zaba was arrested on 1 July in Harare over allegations of “undermining the authority of or insulting the President,” following the publication of a satirical piece in the paper’s Muckraker column.

According to her lawyer, Chris Mhike, the charge relates specifically to content perceived to criticize President Emmerson Mnangagwa. Her bail application has been postponed to 3 July pending a review of her medical records due to concerns over her health.

Khanyo Farisè, Amnesty International’s Senior Researcher for Eastern and Southern Africa, said Zaba is being detained “simply for doing her job.”

“Amnesty International strongly condemns the arrest and detention of Faith Zaba for exercising her constitutionally guaranteed rights as a journalist. This is an assault on the right to freedom of expression and press freedom,” said Farisè.

“Zimbabwean authorities must immediately release Faith Zaba and drop all charges against her. Journalism is not a crime. Authorities must allow journalists to carry out their work freely, safely, and without fear of harassment, intimidation or reprisals.”

Farisè noted that Zaba’s case is not isolated, referencing the earlier arbitrary detention of Blessed Mhlanga, head of news at Alpha Media House’s HSTV, who was held for 72 days in pretrial detention earlier this year.

“These arrests are part of a disturbing pattern in which the criminal justice system is being weaponized to silence independent media voices and instil fear among journalists,” she said.

Amnesty warned that the government’s tactics pose a serious threat to press freedom and the public’s right to information, urging an end to the ongoing crackdown on civic space in Zimbabwe.

Zaba’s detention adds to growing alarm among media watchdogs and human rights groups over the state’s escalating attempts to suppress dissent ahead of national political developments.

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Minority communities and displaced families also face heightened risks, while journalists are often targeted for exposing abuses taking place across the country.

This week, the Baraarug campaign spoke with Abdullahi Hassan, Amnesty International’s researcher for Somalia and Sudan, who discussed the organization’s efforts to advocate for human rights in Somalia.

These include documenting U.S. drone strikes that have killed civilians, as well as broader concerns about accountability.

Mr. Hassan also highlighted the increasing attacks on journalists in Somalia and the severe chilling effect these have had on freedom of expression.

He emphasized that meaningful advocacy requires accountability.

That is why Amnesty International continues to engage with the Somali government and international partners who fund Somali authorities.

Most importantly, Mr. Hassan stressed that it is the duty of every Somali citizen—especially the youth—to stand up for their rights and demand that their human rights are respected.

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On September 28, 2024, Ethiopia’s federal forces and Amhara regional security forces reportedly detained thousands of individuals across the region, transporting them to four mass detention centers.

Among those targeted were members of the judiciary, including judges, prosecutors, and academics.

Amnesty International’s Regional Director for East and Southern Africa, Tigere Chagutah, criticized the lack of global response.

“The international silence over the mass arbitrary detention of thousands in the Amhara region is beyond shameful. Ethiopia’s development partners, along with African and global human rights bodies, must speak out and demand the immediate release of those unjustly detained,” Chagutah said.

“The world cannot continue turning a blind eye to Ethiopia’s human rights crisis.”

Despite limited releases in recent months—four judiciary workers were freed in October 2024, and hundreds, including three judges, women, elderly individuals, and those with chronic health conditions, were released in January 2025—thousands remain in detention without charge or trial.

The mass arrests coincide with ongoing clashes between Ethiopia’s military and Amhara armed groups.

Amnesty International described the detentions as a “travesty of justice,” highlighting the Ethiopian government’s disregard for the rule of law.

“Keeping thousands of people locked up for months without charge or trial is a blatant violation of human rights,” Chagutah added. “The Ethiopian authorities must immediately release all arbitrarily detained individuals or formally charge them with internationally recognized crimes.”

The rights group also expressed concern over the government’s broader crackdown on civic space, noting the suspension of four prominent human rights organizations, including one with a 32-year history.

Amnesty International reiterated the need for coordinated international pressure to address Ethiopia’s escalating human rights crisis.

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These attacks killed over 100 civilians and injured hundreds more, violating international humanitarian law and likely constituting war crimes, according to Amnesty International.

Amnesty’s investigation involved interviews with 60 people, visits to several attack sites, and analysis of numerous verified photos, videos, and statements from witnesses and combatants.

The findings revealed that the M23 and Congolese forces repeatedly used inaccurate, ground-launched unguided rockets, including 122mm Grad rockets.

The inherent inaccuracy of these weapons and their deployment in densely populated areas put civilians at extreme risk.

“The shocking rise in the use of explosive weapons is a dangerous escalation in a conflict already marked by human rights violations,” said Agnès Callamard, Secretary General of Amnesty International.

“In the wake of intensified fighting, the M23 and Congolese army must stop using rockets, mortars, and other explosives in densely populated areas.

Both sides must adhere to international humanitarian law, taking all feasible precautions to minimize civilian harm.”

Bombings by Both Sides

International humanitarian law (IHL) mandates that parties in conflict distinguish between combatants and civilians.

It prohibits indiscriminate and disproportionate attacks, requiring all sides to take precautions to avoid harming civilians.

Attacks that result in civilian casualties are considered war crimes.

Explosive weapons with wide-area effects used in civilian zones are likely to have indiscriminate effects and cannot be aimed at specific military targets, as required by IHL.

In recent conflicts, such weapons have caused massive civilian suffering and have been used with blatant disregard for civilian protection.

This has led to 83 member states endorsing the 2022 Political Declaration to strengthen the protection of civilians from the humanitarian consequences of explosive weapons in populated areas.

In DRC, the increased use of explosive ordnance coincided with a large-scale offensive by the M23, which is largely supported by Rwanda’s Defence Force, according to UN reports.

Both sides have escalated attacks, with explosive weapons deployed in civilian areas. Despite a brief ceasefire in late July, fighting resumed heavily in October, including more explosive attacks on civilians.

Amnesty’s research highlighted several bombings that had particularly devastating consequences, underscoring the dangers of using explosive weapons in such environments.

Three attacks alone accounted for more than 50 civilian deaths, more than half of the total casualties.

Attacks Documented by Amnesty:

On 25 January 2024, an artillery round, likely fired by FARDC, hit a house in the Bukama neighborhood of Mweso, North Kivu, killing at least 19 people, including 15 children, and injuring 25 others. No military targets were present in the area at the time.

On 4 March 2024, munitions struck civilians fleeing an M23 assault on Nyanzale town, killing at least 17 and injuring many more.

On 3 May 2024, rockets fired by M23 hit a camp near Goma, killing 18 civilians, including 15 children.

Authorities in both DRC and M23 leaders have yet to respond to Amnesty’s preliminary findings.

“These bombings are continuing to endanger civilians,” said Callamard. “Despite the ceasefire, civilians, especially IDPs living in makeshift camps, remain at grave risk from explosive attacks.”

Stories of Loss and Trauma

Survivors of the attacks shared devastating stories.

John*, a father of seven, recounted the terrifying explosion at the 8ème CEPAC camp, which killed many, including children.

“It was apocalyptic,” he said. Angèle, who lost all four of her daughters, recalled, “They were reduced to ruins and torn bodies.”

Other survivors, displaced by violence, expressed anguish at the ongoing attacks.

“The M23 is killing us, the government is killing us, what have we done to deserve this?” one survivor asked.

The use of explosive weapons in densely populated areas has resulted in a significant rise in casualties and injuries, with hospitals in Goma reporting an increased number of patients treated for explosives-related wounds.

Amnesty called on international bodies to hold the perpetrators accountable, urging the International Criminal Court to investigate these deadly attacks as potential war crimes.

Amnesty also urged governments involved in the conflict to endorse the 2022 Political Declaration on the Protection of Civilians and to ensure that victims receive adequate support.

“Without accountability, violations will continue,” said Callamard. “The M23 and DRC’s army must stop bombing civilians immediately.”

–

All names changed for protection.

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Civilians killed in crossfire

Men, women and children have been caught in crossfire as both sides, often using explosive weapons with wide area effects, have launched frequent attacks in densely populated civilian neighbourhoods.

Fighting began in the Kalakla neighbourhood in southern Khartoum on 20 April. Kodi Abbas, a 55-year-old teacher, told Amnesty International that two of his sons, Hassan, six, and Ibrahim, eight, and his nephew Koko, seven, were killed as they tried to escape gunfire.

He said: “My wife and my children ran away from home when clashes broke out in our neighbourhood… but my two youngest boys… were small and couldn’t run away fast enough… I don’t know who shot them. The war killed them.”

Amnesty International has not been able to ascertain which side fired the shots that killed the three boys.

Ala’ Fawzi al-Mardi, a 26-year-old doctor, was killed in her home in Omdurman’s Hay al-Manara neighbourhood on 15 April, the day clashes first erupted.

Fawzi al-Mardi, her father, told Amnesty International that his wife was also seriously wounded. He said: “That morning we woke up to hell. The sound of shooting and bombing was everywhere, relentless… I was worried about my daughter Ala’ who had gone to work at the hospital.

“A few minutes after she had arrived home, a bullet came through the living room window, and it hit my wife in the face. It went through the right side of her face and neck, and then it hit Ala’ in the chest, killing her instantly. That one single bullet destroyed our family in the space of a few seconds… As soon as [Ala’] arrived home, where she should have been safe, death came to our home.”

Many civilians told Amnesty International they had been injured and their relatives killed where they sought safety. On 6 June, repeated strikes with ground-launched projectiles in West Darfur killed and injured dozens of civilians in and around the El Geneina University female dorms, where many people were sheltering after fleeing fighting in their neighbourhoods.

Deliberate targeting of civilians

Civilians have been deliberately killed or injured in targeted attacks. Survivors and other witnesses generally identified RSF members as the perpetrators.

On 13 May, RSF members broke into the Mar Girgis (St George’s) Coptic Church complex in the Bahri area of Khartoum. Several witnesses said they shot five members of the clergy, and stole money and a gold cross.

On 14 May, Dr. Adam Zakaria Is’haq, a 38-year-old medical doctor and human rights defender, was killed along with 13 patients at the Markaz Inqadh al-Tibbi (Medical Rescue Centre), a health clinic in the Jamarik neighourhood of El Geneina. Two of the doctor’s colleagues told Amnesty International that armed Arab militia members shot the 14 victims.

One said: “Dr. Adam… was treating sick people at a small clinic when he was killed, because the main hospital in El Geneina was destroyed by the same armed militia and RSF in late April. He was shot in the chest. He left behind his wife and two young boys, aged four and six.”

Ethnically motivated attacks in West Darfur

As tensions increased in West Darfur, many ethnic Masalit people fled to eastern Chad. People who fled El Geneina told Amnesty International that the town had been attacked by heavily armed Arab militias, supported by RSF fighters.

On 28 May, dozens of civilians were killed in Misterei, a town south-west of El Geneina, when clashes broke out between RSF and allied militias, and Masalit armed groups. Residents told Amnesty International they buried 58 civilians killed that day.

In one family, five brothers were shot dead in their home, including Al-Haj Mohamed Abu Bakr, Zeinab Ibrahim Abdelkarim’s husband. The mother-of-two, aged 27, said: “Six RSF members broke into our home at 8am and went into the room where my husband and his four brothers were and shot them all dead… The RSF then came to the room where I was staying with my children and 12 other women and children… They beat us with sticks and whips and asked, ‘Where are the guns?’, and then stole our phones.”

The window through which the stray bullet that killed Ala’ Fawzi al-Mardi entered her home in the capital on 15 April 2023, the first day of the clashes. | PHOTO/ Private.

 

International humanitarian law forbids the deliberate targeting of civilians, as well as attacks that fail to distinguish between civilians and combatants, and between civilian objects and military objectives.

Sexual violence

Scores of women and girls, some as young as 12, have been subjected to sexual violence, including rape, by members of the warring sides. Some were held for days in conditions of sexual slavery.

In most cases documented by Amnesty International, survivors said the perpetrators were RSF members or from allied Arab militias. Rape, sexual slavery, and other forms of sexual violence committed in the context of an armed conflict are war crimes.

A 25-year-old woman from El Geneina told Amnesty International that three armed Arab men in civilian clothes forced her into the Civil Records building in the al-Jamarik neighbourhood on 22 June, where they raped her.

She said: “There is no safety anywhere in El Geneina. I left my home because there was shooting everywhere… and these criminals raped me. Now I’m afraid I may be pregnant… I can’t cope with that.”

In another case, a group of 24 women and girls were abducted by RSF members and taken to a hotel where they were held for several days in conditions amounting to sexual slavery. Many survivors have had no access to medical and psychosocial support.

Many health and humanitarian facilities have been destroyed or damaged across the country, depriving civilians of food and medicine, and exacerbating an already dire situation. Most documented cases of looting involved RSF members. Intentional attacks on humanitarian personnel or objects, or on health facilities or medical units, amount to war crimes.

Recommendations

Amnesty International is calling on the UN Security Council to swiftly extend the arms embargo that currently applies to Darfur to the whole of Sudan, and ensure it is enforced.

“The international community should significantly increase humanitarian support for Sudan, and neighbouring countries must ensure their borders are open to civilians seeking safety,” said Agnès Callamard.

“The international community must also immediately extend the existing arms embargo to all of Sudan and ensure its enforcement. Countries with significant leverage over the warring parties must use their influence to end the violations.

“The Human Rights Council should heed the calls from the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, and establish an independent investigative and accountability mechanism to monitor, collect, and preserve evidence of human rights violations in Sudan.”

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The organizations published a joint letter to parliament detailing the bill’s problematic provisions as well as several positive provisions.

“An in-depth review and revision of outstanding gaps in the law governing the National Security Service is critical to reining in the notorious agency,” said Mausi Segun, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “Parliament needs to ensure that the pending law genuinely limits the security service’s powers and strengthens oversight of the agency’s activities.”

The current National Security Service Act of 2014 gives the agency broad and unqualified powers that allow it to commit serious abuses with impunity, creating and sustaining a climate of repression and fear.

Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International among other rights organizations have documented that the security agency’s broad powers have contributed to shrinking civic space. The agency exerts its authority without meaningful judicial or legislative oversight, agents are rarely punished for abuses, and the government lacks the political will to address these widespread practices, the organizations said. These abuses have left many victims with long-term physical and mental health conditions.

The bill to amend the 2014 law currently before parliament was drafted by the National Constitutional Amendment Committee (NCAC) as part of the reforms initiated by the Revitalized Peace Agreement of 2018. Following lack of consensus by committee members about the agency’s authority to make arrests, the bill was referred to the Justice Ministry in 2019 and then to the presidency in April 2021 for resolution.

In December 2022, the justice minister recommended to the cabinet and presidency that the agency’s authority to arrest and detain suspects should be limited. On February 22, 2023, several media outlets reported that the presidency had agreed to abolish the agency’s authority to arrest and detain people, with or without a warrant. On May 9, media reported that the bill would be presented for its first reading in parliament within two weeks, which has since elapsed.

The bill includes a series of positive provisions, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch said. It introduces guiding principles founded on a respect for human rights and prohibits torture, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment; and prohibits detention or confinement by security agents. It also gives the justice minister and civilian courts a greater role in prosecuting agency officials accused of crimes. However, the bill still contains vague and broad provisions that would allow the agency to continue to abuse human rights, the organizations said.

While the Bill revokes sections 54 and 55 of the National Security Service Act, which gave the agency the authority to arrest with or without a warrant, it retains its arrest authority “under emergency circumstances,” which could be subject to abuse. It also allows arrests without a warrant in section 57, if the person is suspected of broad “crimes against the state.”
During the bill’s review, parliament should remove this power of arrest, the organizations said.

Further, while section 57 gives any magistrate powers to visit any detention site, this section read together with section 13(15), which would allow the agency to arrest people under certain circumstances suggests that the agency can hold people in custody. Parliament should make clear that the agency cannot detain civilians under any circumstances, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International said.

The bill’s overly broad definition of “crimes against the state” as “any activity directed at undermining … the government” and reference to the same crime in the 2008 Penal Code Act, which is equally vague, is problematic. The government has in the past used trumped-up charges of crimes against the state to restrict the rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and association, including peaceful exercise of political opposition, or public criticism of state policy and actions.

In the meantime, the South Sudanese government should order the closure of all unauthorized detention sites operated by the security agency and release detainees or hand them over to legitimate law enforcement officials for charge and fair trial. The authorities should also disclose the whereabouts, status, and condition of Morris Mabior Awikjiok, a South Sudanese refugee transferred from Kenya in early March. He is reportedly being held incommunicado at the security agency’s Blue House detention site.

“For the efforts to reform the security service to be impactful, they must be accompanied by measures to hold officers to account for past and ongoing rights abuses,” said Tigere Chagutah, Regional Director at Amnesty International’s East and Southern Africa Regional Office. “Authorities should ensure that security service officials, including senior officials, are held to account.”

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Between 9 May and 16 June, Amnesty International interviewed 29 civilians faced with the difficult choice of whether to return to the conflict they fled, or remain stranded at the border, where they may wait for an indefinite period without basic supplies to maintain their health, privacy, and dignity.

The interviewees included people in Wadi Halfa, near the border with Egypt, and Port Sudan, a port on the Red Sea, as well as those who had crossed Sudanese border points at different locations and were either in or planning to travel through locations including Addis Abba in Ethiopia, Juba and Renk in South Sudan, Cairo in Egypt, Dubai in the United Arab Emirates, and N’Djamena in Chad.

“Allowing swift passage across borders for all people fleeing the conflict and providing immediate access to asylum registration would ease the dire humanitarian situation along the borders,” said Tigere Chagutah, Amnesty International’s regional director for East and Southern Africa

Omar*, a 35-year-old man who has been in Port Sudan since end of April could not be allowed to leave for lack of passport, Omar told Amnesty International that he had applied for a Schengen visa and his passport was with the embassy in Khartoum when the war started.

“States should not deny access to those fleeing a conflict based on a lack of identification documents or visas. Yet, the stringent entry regulations on those without valid travel documents or visas have created insurmountable barriers for individuals in desperate need of safety, leaving them at serious risk.

“Countless individuals who have successfully crossed borders continue to face uncertainty and vulnerability. They encounter difficulties in accessing asylum and/or maintaining their status due to their inability to renew expiring or expired identification documents.”

The situation for people fleeing Sudan is further exacerbated by the denial of entry for some asylum seekers, putting them at risk of return to the dangers they were trying to escape.

During the evacuation at Port Sudan in April 2023, countries that responded to evacuate their nationals denied evacuation to those Sudanese without visas.

Amnesty International also interviewed witnesses and humanitarian workers, as well as analysed documents, videos, photos, and reports from media outlets and NGOs in the region to further verify details.

‘Security vetting’ by Sudanese authorities

Those fleeing conflict in Khartoum and across the country have had to travel through several roadblocks and checkpoints where authorities harassed and threatened them, limiting their ability to easily exit Sudan with ease.

Amnesty International received reports pointing at significant increase in the cost of trips from Khartoum to the border, limiting opportunities for those trying to flee the violence.

Three interviewees said they were questioned by the Sudanese military as they tried to leave making it difficult to leave with ease and causing exit delays at border. One interviewee told Amnesty International: “Immigration officials at Gadarif [near the border with Ethiopia] said I needed to be interviewed by a military intelligence officer. He interviewed me for two hours asking why I was leaving, what I used to do in Khartoum and whether I was willing to join the army. I said I wanted to cross to Ethiopia and seek safety. I was allowed to go through the border.”

Ali*, a 26-year-old man, was forced to call a witness to confirm his identity when he was vetted by a Sudanese security officer and was required to pay to get security clearance to cross into Ethiopia at the Gallabat crossing. He paid about 2000 Sudanese Pounds (equivalent to US$4) for a service that was previously free.

Humanitarian situation

According to the information collected, the hundreds of people waiting along border crossing points in Qustul and Argeen near Wadi Halfa overwhelmed the facilities available at the border and adjacent towns.

Osman*, a 30-year-old man, said those stranded at the Wadi Halfa border were forced to spend the night outside without proper shelter, water, or food. The lack of basic facilities, such as bathrooms and clean water, created an unhygienic environment, posing many risks, particularly to older people and children. While Osman acknowledged the presence of the Red Cross at the Egyptian side of the border, he noted the absence of medical assistance on the Sudanese side.

Aamira*, a 30-year-old woman, told Amnesty International that her family had slept outside the bus for eight hours while they waited to be let through the border checks.

She said: “We arrived at night. And when we arrived there, the Egyptian border was closed. We had to sleep outside. My family members were stuck at the Argeen border for over three days without being processed. There was no medical assistance. No water for bathroom”

Egyptian authorities imposed additional restrictions

Egypt has received the highest influx of people fleeing the conflict in Sudan, with over 250,000 Sudanese nationals having entered Egypt as of 26 June, according to the Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

According to the information collected by Amnesty International, as of 10 June 2023, the Egyptian authorities required all Sudanese nationals to obtain an entry visa issued by the Egyptian consular office in Wadi Halfa or in Port Sudan, citing the need to counter the forgery of visas and to better manage the influx of Sudanese nationals into Egypt.

Until then, and in accordance with regulations pre-dating the conflict, entry visas were required for Sudanese boys over the age of 16 and men under the age of 50. At the start of the crisis, the Egyptian immigration authorities also accepted temporary travel documents at land crossings from Sudan into Egypt for women, girls, boys under the age of 16, and men over the age of 50.

However, the Egyptian authorities discontinued the practice without warning on 25 May 2023, leading to further chaos, severe delays and overcrowding at border crossings. Egyptian authorities also reversed earlier practices of allowing entry to Sudanese nationals with expired passports, the validity of which had been extended for six months, and of allowing children to be added to their parents’ passports.

Under another decision, dated 29 May 2023 and reviewed by Amnesty International, Egyptian authorities introduced the additional requirement of security clearance for boys and men aged between 16 and 50 entering Egypt through the Cairo International Airport. The policy specifies that the number of the security clearance has to be printed and dated on the entry visa in order for the individual to be allowed into Egypt.

Amnesty International also received alarming reports of authorities in Egypt denying entry at land borders to some Syrian and Eritrean nationals fleeing Sudan. A witness told Amnesty International that in late April individuals had been denied entry at the Argeen Egyptian border because they were holding expired documents, resulting in a family being separated.

Egyptian media reported on 7 June that the authorities are seeking to expedite the adoption of a new asylum law. While the draft law has yet to be made public, reports indicate that under the proposal, all asylum-seekers and refugees in the country would be required to register with the authorities and regularize their status within six months of the law’s executive regulations coming into force.

Satellite images acquired by Amnesty International of Argeen border between 6 June and 23 June shows a significant increase the number of vehicles on the Sudan side of the border.

 Regional refugee response

Local and locally led organizations are providing support to Sudanese individuals fleeing, particularly along the Sudan-South Sudan border and the Sudan-Chad border regions. The current lack of support by the international community exacerbates the already fragile situation stretching the limited resources available in the local communities across the borders.

In Chad, humanitarian organizations are providing water, food, health support and shelter to the population of more than 120,000 Sudanese who crossed over since the beginning of the conflict. South Sudan has also recently received 129,000 people from Sudan.

As of 27 June, only 13% of the US$566.4 million requested for the Sudan regional refugee response by the UN Refugee Agency has been funded.

“Amnesty International calls on countries neighbouring Sudan to uphold their obligations under international human rights law and refugee law by opening their borders to those fleeing this escalating conflict,” said Tigere Chagutah.

“All countries must lift restrictions impeding the prompt, safe and dignified entry of all individuals fleeing Sudan without discrimination, ensuring that all asylum seekers have unrestricted access to fair and effective asylum procedures and humanitarian assistance.

“Egyptian authorities should also ensure that the new proposed legislation and regulations governing asylum in the country are fully compliant with international human rights and refugee law and standards.”

Background

 According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), there are currently more than 563,000 individuals who have crossed the borders, seeking safety and protection from the ongoing crisis in Sudan. Humanitarian groups responding to the Sudan situation inside and outside the country have reported the dire humanitarian situation, highlighting the urgent need for immediate assistance and support.

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The organization is calling for wealthier nations to commit to comprehensive debt relief, including loan cancellations, and to increase international support to vulnerable states.

The summit, taking place over two days, aims to address the pressing challenges faced by lower-income countries and ensure that financial pledges made by wealthier nations are honored.

Amnesty International emphasizes the importance of protecting the rights of people in lower-income countries and stresses the need for coordinated international action, debt restructuring, and debt cancellation to alleviate unsustainable levels of debt.

The organization also calls for the establishment of a global social protection fund to assist countries struggling to provide adequate protections.

Amnesty International highlights the connection between climate change and debt distress, urging wealthier states to fulfill their commitments to provide climate finance and help vulnerable nations mitigate and adapt to the impacts of the climate crisis.

The organization underscores the urgency of the situation and encourages leaders to seize the opportunity for progress at the G20 Leaders’ Summit and COP28 climate meeting later in the year.

Amnesty International emphasizes the importance of tax and financial reform to create a more inclusive and equitable global financial system.

While expressing concerns about some aspects of the summit, the organization calls for the protection of the rights of marginalized populations and a shift away from fossil fuels towards economic and social rights.

The summit was inspired by the Bridgetown Initiative, an agreement reached in 2022 in Barbados to address the debt, climate, and cost-of-living crises.

Over 50 heads of state or government are expected to attend the summit.

Amnesty International draws on the UN guiding principles on foreign debt and human rights, which provide guidance on the obligations and responsibilities of debtors and lenders in relation to human rights.

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Amnesty International has documented grievous and enduring human rights abuses resulting from oil contamination in the area, where Shell has operated since the 1950s. Amnesty International is concerned that the proposed sale will deny people already harmed access to adequate remedy, and potentially expose many more to future abuses.

A new report issued today, Tainted Sale?, recommends a series of safeguards and actions to help protect the rights of people potentially affected by Shell’s planned disposal of its onshore oil interests in the Niger Delta, reportedly for about US$3 billion.

Mark Dummett, Amnesty International’s Head of Business and Human Rights, said: “For decades spills have damaged the health and livelihoods of many of the Niger Delta’s inhabitants. Shell should not be allowed to wash its hands of the problems and leave. Shell has earned billions of dollars from this business and it must make sure that its withdrawal does not have negative human rights and environmental consequences.

“By exercising appropriate oversight of Shell’s sale, Nigeria’s incoming administration has a unique opportunity to demonstrate its determination to uphold and protect the human rights of its citizens, including their rights to an adequate standard of living, clean water, and health. We are also calling for effective remedy for people whose rights have long been abused.

“We urge the new government, under President Bola Tinubu, to ensure Shell’s sale does not end or limit the company’s liabilities. As a condition of sale, it should require Shell to provide a full assessment of all existing pollution in the delta, ensure it has provided satisfactory remediation for any damage, and that local inhabitants’ concerns about the sale process are fully appraised and addressed.

“The government should consider requiring Shell to act as a guarantor to ensure any purchaser is capable of making good and remediating damage caused by any future spills and that any buyer is committed to transparency, environmental compliance, consultations with communities, and limiting greenhouse gas emissions.

“Of course, rather than finding buyers and wringing the last drops of oil from a region so long blighted by the industry, the better option would be remedying the harms caused, and phasing out production.

“The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change forecasts that without accelerating the phasing out of fossil fuels worldwide, global temperatures will rise by more than an agreed limit of 1.5C versus pre-industrial levels. After decades of exploitation, retiring production in the Niger Delta would be a step in the right direction.”

A long record of environmental damage and abuses

For more than 20 years Amnesty International and partner organizations have conducted research in the Niger Delta. It has demonstrated that Shell’s operations have come at the cost of the human rights of people living there.

Hundreds of spills a year from poorly maintained pipelines and wells, along with inadequate clean-up practices, have led to widespread oil contamination, including of groundwater and drinking water sources, agricultural land and fisheries, and damaged the health and livelihoods of many inhabitants.

The impact of the pollution can be devastating. In 2019, an academic study, found that oil spills occurring within 10km of a mother’s place of residence in the Niger Delta doubled neonatal mortality rates and impaired the health of surviving children.

Mark Dummett said: “Shell must take its own steps to ensure effective remedy for people whose human rights have been impaired by this devastating pollution, and that its divestment plan does not worsen the plight of the Niger Delta’s inhabitants.”

“International standards, under the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, are clear that Shell has a responsibility to conduct a human rights due diligence process on its decision to transfer assets. This responsibility is independent of any steps Nigeria’s government will take.”

Shell disputes allegations that it has acted irresponsibly in the Niger Delta, and says it complies with regulations. It has previously pointed to improvements that it says it has made in recent years in response to preventing and cleaning oil spills, investments in infrastructure, oil anti-theft measures, and increased transparency in its reporting of spills.

Shell is not uniquely responsible for the devastating oil pollution that blights the Niger Delta. There are other actors, including the federal and state authorities. They too have an obligation to ensure that Shell’s divestment does not lead to further human rights harms.

Background

The Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria Limited – Joint Venture (SPDC JV) is one of Nigeria’s largest oil producers.

Shell was the majority owner of this business for many years, but its main shareholder is now the state-owned Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, which holds 55%. The rest is owned by subsidiaries of international oil companies. Shell, through its wholly-owned subsidiary the Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC) Limited owns 30%, the French company Total has 10%, and the Italian company Eni 5%.

Importantly, through SPDC, Shell is the operator for the SPDC JV, which means it operates and maintains the wells, pipelines and other facilities needed to produce and transport the oil. The partners fund the operations and maintenance in proportion to their share in the joint venture.

During the past decade, the SPDC JV has sold much of its business, including oilfields, to several much smaller Nigerian-owned companies.

Shell now intends to sell both its stake in SPDC JV and its operating subsidiary in a deal involving its staff, facilities and infrastructure. This includes 263 producing oil wells, 56 producing gas wells and a network of 3,173km of pipelines.

Following an election on 25 February, the inauguration of Nigeria’s president-elect, Bola Tinubu, 71, of the ruling All Progressives Congress party, is due to take place on Monday.

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However, there was good news in Sub-Saharan Africa as recorded executions dropped by 67%, from 33 in 2021 to 11 in 2022, and recorded death sentences reduced by 20%. Executions were recorded in two countries — Somalia and South Sudan. This was the lowest number of executing countries recorded by Amnesty International in the region since 2017. Notably, Sierra Leone and the Central African Republic abolished the death penalty for all crimes, while Equatorial Guinea and Zambia abolished the death penalty for ordinary crimes only.

A total of 883 people were known to have been executed across 20 countries globally, marking a rise of 53% over 2021. This spike in executions, which does not include the thousands believed to have been carried out in China last year, was led by countries in the Middle East and North Africa, where recorded figures rose from 520 in 2021 to 825 in 2022.

“It is encouraging to see that a number of countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, including Sierra Leonne and the Central African Republic, have abolished the death penalty for all crimes, condemning it to the dustbin of history, where it belongs,” said Tigere Chagutah, Amnesty International’s Interim Director for East and Southern Africa.

“While Equatorial Guinea and Zambia have abolished the death penalty for ordinary crimes only, they must follow suit and work on completely abolishing this cruel and degrading form of punishment. Countries in the region must execute justice, not people.”

Disturbingly, 90% of the world’s known executions outside China were carried out by just three countries in the Middle East and North Africa region. Recorded executions in Iran soared from 314 in 2021 to 576 in 2022; figures tripled in Saudi Arabia, from 65 in 2021 to 196 in 2022 — the highest recorded by Amnesty in 30 years — while Egypt executed 24 individuals.

In Sub-Saharan Africa, while South Sudan and Somalia were the only countries that recorded a combined total of 11+ executions in 2022, no other country recorded executions in the region, making countries that executed people one fewer compared to 2021. Recorded death sentences also decreased by 20%, from 373 in 2021 to 298 in 2022.

The use of the death penalty remained shrouded in secrecy in several countries, including China, North Korea, and Viet Nam — countries that are known to use the death penalty extensively — meaning that the true global figure is far higher. While the precise number of those killed in China is unknown, it is clear that the country remained the world’s most prolific executioner, ahead of Iran, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the USA.

Five countries resumed executions

Executions resumed in five countries in 2022 — Afghanistan, Kuwait, Myanmar, the State of Palestine and Singapore — while an increase in executions was also recorded for Iran (314 to 576), Saudi Arabia (65 to 196), and the USA (11 to 18).

The recorded number of people executed for drug-related offences more than doubled in 2022 compared to 2021. Drug-related executions are in violation of international human rights law which states that executions should only be carried out for the ‘most serious crimes’ – crimes that involve intentional killing. These executions were recorded in China, Saudi Arabia (57), Iran (255) and Singapore (11), and amounted to 37% of total executions recorded globally by the organization. Executions for drug-related offences were likely to have been carried out in Viet Nam, yet these figures remain state secrets.

While executions were up, the total number of recorded death sentences imposed on people remained essentially the same, with a slight decrease from 2,052 in 2021 to 2,016 in 2022.

A glimmer of hope

 Against this bleak backdrop, there was a glimmer of hope as six countries abolished the death penalty either fully or partially.

Kazakhstan, Papua New Guinea, Sierra Leone and the Central African Republic abolished the death penalty for all crimes, while Equatorial Guinea and Zambia abolished the death penalty for ordinary crimes only.

As of December 2022, 112 countries had abolished the death penalty for all crimes and nine countries had abolished the death penalty for ordinary crimes only.

The positive momentum continued as Liberia and Ghana took legislative steps toward abolishing the death penalty, while the authorities of Sri Lanka and the Maldives said they would not resort to implementing death sentences. Bills to abolish the mandatory death penalty were also tabled in the Malaysian Parliament.

Somalia and South Sudan’s continued execution

“Somalia and South Sudan’s continued execution of people in the past year is bucking the trend in Sub-Sharan Africa, where countries are moving away from the death penalty by either abolishing the death penalty or becoming abolitionist in practice,” said Samira Daoud, Amnesty International’s Director for West and Central Africa.

“The death penalty violates the right to life as proclaimed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.”

“With 125 UN member states — more than ever before — calling for a moratorium on executions, Amnesty International has never felt more hopeful that this abhorrent punishment can and will be relegated to the annals of history. But 2022’s tragic figures remind us that we can’t rest on our laurels. We will continue to campaign until the death penalty is abolished across the globe.”

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