Fihiima, who is currently in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, announced on Facebook that she had “abandoned the idea of Soomaaliweyn [Greater Somalia]” and had returned to what she described as her “nation of Somaliland.”

“I, Fihiima Yusuf Abdullahi Quuje, hereby declare that I have left my position and membership in the North Eastern Somalia Parliament, where I represented my community,” she said in a statement.

“I also declare that I have abandoned the ideology of Soomaaliweyn and have returned to my nation of Somaliland. I will provide further details later,” she added.

Fihiima, a young female politician who was previously a vocal critic of Somaliland, said she had changed her political position.

She had earlier lived in Hargeisa and was involved in the Dhulbahante community’s resistance against Somaliland forces during the 2023 Las Anod conflict.

The city later came under the control of SSC-Khaatumo forces, which subsequently adopted the name North Eastern Somalia and was recognised by the Federal Government of Somalia as a federal member administration.

However, the political status of the region remains disputed, with both Somaliland and Puntland continuing to claim parts of Sool and Sanaag, while NES also considers the areas part of its territory.

Growing Rift with NES Leadership

Fihiima was appointed to the North Eastern Somalia parliament following the formation of the administration’s legislative council in August 2025, which was established through a clan-based representation system covering Sool and Sanaag.

In recent months, she had become increasingly critical of NES President Abdulkadir Ahmed Aw-Ali Firdhiye, accusing his administration of aligning too closely with the government of former Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.

Fihiima repeatedly criticised Firdhiye’s leadership through posts on her Facebook page, while Puntland and Somaliland have accused the Federal Government of Somalia of using the Las Anod administration to increase pressure against them.

Her resignation comes amid growing frustration among NES officials over their relationship with Mogadishu.

Officials from the administration have complained that their region has been excluded from Somalia’s national budget allocations despite being recognised by the federal government as a federal member state.

They have also raised concerns that members of their security forces — many of whom are Dhulbahante fighters who took part in the 2023 conflict with Somaliland — have not received regular salaries from the federal government.

The lack of financial support and delayed payments have reportedly fuelled dissatisfaction among officials and communities in the region, with some questioning the benefits of remaining politically aligned with Mogadishu.

Possible Wider Political Realignment

Analysts say Fihiima Quuje’s resignation and decision to return to Somaliland could signal a broader political shift among some Dhulbahante politicians who previously supported SSC-Khaatumo and the North Eastern Somalia administration.

They suggest that growing frustration with Mogadishu could push other Dhulbahante political figures to reconsider their positions and seek renewed engagement with Somaliland.

A source close to Fihiima told Kaab TV that she is expected to travel to Hargeisa, Somaliland’s capital, in the coming days, where Somaliland officials are expected to welcome her.

Her move comes as the future political direction of North Eastern Somalia remains contested, with Somaliland, Puntland and the Federal Government of Somalia competing for influence over the strategically important Sool and Sanaag regions.

The post NES MP Fihiima Quuje’s Resignation Signals New Political Realignment in Las Anod Dispute appeared first on Kaab TV.

Firdhiye urged all residents to participate in the registration process to align with other federal system administrations recognized by the Federal Government of Somalia.

“Our people must participate in the elections, organize themselves, and register fully. We must engage with the country’s other administrations. I have full confidence that the people of North East will make these national elections a success,” Firdhiye said.

However, the announcement comes amid controversy.

Last Saturday, Firdhiye himself was elected through an indirect vote process widely criticized for alleged bribery of newly elected representatives under the administration formed by President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.

A KaaB TV investigation, based on interviews with MPs and other sources, revealed how millions of dollars in cash were used to bribe the regional MPs, who had been handpicked just last month by their clan elders.

Questions remain about how a one-person-one-vote election could be implemented with only eight months left in Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s term.

Opposition alliances have rejected the process, and in many parts of the country, the terrorist group Al-Shabaab continues to exert full control.

This voter registration drive, while framed as a step toward civic engagement, raises concerns over transparency, legitimacy, and the influence of money in Puntland’s political process.

The post Firdhiye Opens Voter Registration Despite Coming to Power Through Bribery-Marred Indirect Vote appeared first on Kaab TV.

Firdhiye, who previously headed the SSC-Khaatumo administration before it was rebranded as Northeast State, secured 62 votes in the second round of balloting by the 83-member regional parliament, whose MPs were handpicked by clan elders.

His main challenger, Abdirisak Khalif—a former Somaliland parliamentary speaker and prominent Dhulbahante politician—walked out of the hall during the second round in protest.

Khalif, who had garnered 20 votes in the opening round, rejected the process as illegitimate.

A third contender, ex-planning minister Jamal Mohamed Hassan, picked up 15 votes in the first round but later threw his weight behind Firdhiye, tipping the balance further in the incumbent’s favor.

In the vice-presidential race, Firdhiye’s ally Abdirashid Yusuf Jibril, a former speaker of Puntland’s parliament who defected after losing his seat, won overwhelmingly with 65 votes.

Jibril hails from Sanaag, a disputed region between Puntland and Somaliland, though influential clan elders there have already distanced themselves from the new administration.

Both Puntland and Somaliland have condemned the creation of the Northeast State. Somaliland maintains that Laascaanood falls within its territory, while Puntland insists the people of Sool and Sanaag remain part of its jurisdiction.

President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Prime Minister Hamza Abdi Barre quickly congratulated Firdhiye, promising federal support for his administration.

A Vote Drenched in Cash

Investigations by Kaab TV revealed that nearly all candidates distributed money to MPs in an attempt to secure votes, with payments ranging from $15,000 to $30,000 per lawmaker.

Firdhiye was identified as the biggest spender, handing out between $25,000 and $30,000 to around 60 MPs. Multiple sources confirmed that the federal government flew in $3 million in cash to Laascaanood to strengthen his campaign.

By some estimates, Firdhiye’s spending totaled at least $1.65 million.

Abdirisak Khalif reportedly paid about $20,000 each to 50 MPs, or roughly $1 million in total. He is believed to have received backing from Puntland, allies of former president Mohamed Farmaajo, and funds traced to a Gulf country.

Jamal Mohamed Hassan, who had limited backing, allegedly offered some MPs $5,000 each before aligning himself with Firdhiye and the federal government. In return, insiders say, he was promised a future political post, while his wife retained her ambassadorial post in China.

Mohamed Yusuf, a businessman and brother to the owner of the HASS Petroleum, is said to have spent about $750,000, giving $15,000 each to nearly 50 MPs. He won just 8 votes and was eliminated in the first round.

Associates of Yusuf’s campaign say he is now demanding refunds from MPs who failed to support him—a tactic not unprecedented in Somalia’s money-driven politics, where failure to deliver on “paid-for” votes has at times led to threats or violence.

One of the new MPs of the Northeast Somalia State posted photos of cash in his hands as a show-off following the hugely costly presidential election in Laascaanood last week.

The election involved heavy bribes given to MPs by the five candidates contesting for the regional… pic.twitter.com/NPDygmVq0o

— Kaab TV (@KaabTV) September 4, 2025

Mogadishu’s 2026 Calculations

Analysts argue that the federal government’s push to establish the Northeast State is tied directly to President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s re-election strategy for 2026.

By shifting the federal parliamentary elections for Sool and Sanaag from Puntland to Laascaanood, Mogadishu could tilt future voting blocs in its favor. Such a move, however, risks igniting new disputes and could heighten tensions in the run-up to the next national polls.

For now, Firdhiye’s re-election tightens Mogadishu’s grip on Laascaanood—but it may also deepen political fractures across Somalia’s already fragile federal system.

The post Bribes, Ballots, and Power: Inside Northeast Somalia’s Contentious Election appeared first on Kaab TV.

Incumbent leader Abdukadir Ahmed Aw-Ali, known as “Firdhiye,” retained his position after winning 62 votes in the second round of polling by the 83-member assembly, whose members were selected by local clans.

Firdhiye’s main rival, Abdirisak Khalif, a former speaker of Somaliland’s parliament and an influential Dhulbahante figure, walked out of the chamber during the second round, reportedly dissatisfied with the process. Khalif had secured 20 votes in the first round.

A third candidate, former minister Jamal Mohamed Hassan, received 15 votes in the opening round before reportedly striking a deal to back Firdhiye in the runoff.

In the parallel contest for vice president, Firdhiye’s running mate Abdirashid Yusuf Jibril – a former speaker of Puntland’s parliament who later defected – won with 65 votes, securing the deputy leadership.

The election was overshadowed by claims of massive vote-buying. Multiple MPs told reporters they were offered between $15,000 and $30,000 each in exchange for their support.

Sources alleged that Somalia’s federal government funneled around $3 million in cash into Laascaanood to bolster Firdhiye’s candidacy.

The Northeast State was proclaimed just two weeks ago with the backing of the federal government in Mogadishu.

Analysts say the move is part of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s strategy to strengthen alliances against Puntland and Somaliland, while also consolidating support ahead of his own re-election campaign, with his term due to expire in May 2026.

President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Prime Minister Hamza Abdi Barre swiftly congratulated Firdhiye on his victory, pledging federal support.

“I wish President Abdukadir Ahmed Aw-Ali and his deputy, Mr. Abdirashid Yusuf Jibril, success in providing leadership that unites the people of the Northeast, and in working for peace, development, and good governance. The Federal Government of Somalia is ready to stand by the regional administration to jointly advance the completion of federalism,” President Mohamud said in a statement.

The post Northeast Somalia Elects Regional President and Deputy Amid Allegations of Vote-Buying appeared first on Kaab TV.

According to SSC-Khaatumo police, the brutal assault took place on 14 June in Laascaanood, the regional capital.

Photos of the suspects were released by the police following their arrest on Tuesday 17 June.

“Twenty-four men who gang raped two sisters are now in our custody, and we will be taking them to court,” said SSC-Khaatumo Police Spokesperson, Captain Liibaan Barre.

The horrific case triggered mass protests on Wednesday, with hundreds of residents taking to the streets.

Demonstrations began after reports emerged that one of the suspects had been temporarily released to sit for the national high school exams.

Police later confirmed that the suspect was re-arrested.

The unrest led to property destruction, looting, and the death of at least one person.

The two victims, both teenagers, had recently been displaced from Erigabo, Sanaag region, and were seeking refuge in Laascaanood, where ongoing conflict has already taken a toll on the civilian population.

A police source told Kaab TV that one of the girls went into shock and remains hospitalized.

Support services for survivors of sexual violence in the region are nearly non-existent. Local health workers lack the specialized training to deal with rape cases, and deep-rooted social taboos often prevent women and girls from coming forward.

SSC-Khaatumo leader Abdiqadir Aw-Jama Firdhiye, who returned to Laascaanood from Mogadishu on Thursday, condemned the attack and pledged swift justice.

He confirmed that a team of police investigators had been brought in from the capital to assist with the case.

“I want to state very clearly: we will ensure justice for the girls,” Firdhiye said.

He criticized police for releasing a suspect to sit for exams, calling it “a serious mistake that should never be repeated.”

He also extended condolences to residents who lost property during the protests.

The Laascaanood case is yet another stark example of the violence women face in Somalia, where rape cases are frequently resolved through clan negotiations — often forcing victims to marry their attackers.

In a separate statement, police acknowledged attempts by some individuals to interfere with the investigation.

“We warn against any attempt to obstruct the pursuit of justice for the girls, who have suffered physical abuse, psychological harm, and violations,” the police said on Thursday. “Those responsible are in custody and will be brought to justice as intended.”

Local officials told Kaab TV that the case is now being handled by an investigative committee appointed by the SSC-Khaatumo Minister of Justice.

The post Outrage in Laascaanood After 24 Arrested for Gang Rape of Two Sisters appeared first on Kaab TV.

According to the NCC communiqué, SSC-Khaatumo will officially join the federal system after a local clan conference is completed within the next two months.

This came after SSC-Khaatumo leader Abdiqadir Aw-Ali Firdhiye participated in his first National Consultative Council (NCC) meeting held from May 5 to 7.

However, the move has triggered a political Pandora’s box, adding fresh complications to Somalia’s already fragile and poorly defined federal structure.

The core problem lies in Somalia’s Provisional Constitution, which leaves the formation of Federal Member States (FMS) open to interpretation. Article 49(6) states: “Based on a voluntary decision, two or more regions may merge to form a Federal Member State.”

This provision makes clear that no single region can become a federal state on its own.

Meanwhile, Article 142(1) recognizes existing Federal Member States that were established before the constitution’s adoption, allowing them to maintain their powers temporarily until all FMS are properly formed and harmonized with the national constitution.

Yet, in practice, the formation of federal states has been inconsistent, often determined by clan-based arrangements rather than geographic or legal criteria.

For example, Galmudug was formed by merging Galgaduud with only part of Mudug—leaving the rest of Mudug within Puntland.

Though controversial, the Federal Government framed Galmudug’s creation as a political solution rather than a strictly legal one.

The Case of SSC-Khaatumo

The recognition of SSC-Khaatumo followed a deadly conflict in Las Anod in August 2023, where Dhulbahante militias fought Somaliland forces.

Las Anod was subsequently declared the capital of SSC-Khaatumo, an entity claiming to represent the Sool, Sanaag, and Cayn regions.

In reality, however, Sanaag has not joined the project, and “Cayn” refers only to Buuhoodle, a town that formerly fell under Togdheer region.

This means SSC-Khaatumo effectively governs only parts of Sool—falling short of the constitutional requirement that two or more regions must voluntarily merge to form a federal state.

Domino Effect in the Regions

SSC-Khaatumo’s recognition has sparked similar demands across the country.

On Saturday, Beledweyne—Hiiraan’s capital—was seized by former warlord Abdifatah Hassan Ali and his clan militia.

They claim to be establishing “Hiiraan State,” an initiative previously proposed but never recognized.

The Hirshabelle State, which governs Hiiraan, has not responded. Locals now fear violent clashes if Hirshabelle attempts to retake control.

Elders and exiled politicians from the Somaliland’s Awdal region, which borders Djibouti, have long advocated for federal member state status under Somalia.

Unable to safely campaign within Somaliland, they’ve been meeting in Mogadishu.

Tensions have also flared in Gedo, Jubbland, where community leaders have long rejected the leadership of Jubbaland President Ahmed Madobe.

The NCC’s recent remarks about forming a “legal” Jubbaland have emboldened calls from Gedo clans to seek separation.

Residents of Banadir, which includes Mogadishu, continue to push for their own federal status. However, the federal government has been reluctant to allow this, fearing the loss of revenue generated by Mogadishu’s seaport and airport.

Ripple Effects on Existing States

Analysts warn that the SSC-Khaatumo decision may destabilize other federal states.

In Southwest State, some clans in Lower Shabelle have begun advocating for separation.

In Galmudug, residents of Elbur are discussing breaking away from the current state structure.

These growing fissures reflect the absence of a uniform, legally binding process for federalization—leaving room for political opportunism and rising clan-based fragmentation.

The post A Political Pandora’s Box: Somalia’s Recognition of SSC-Khaatumo as a Federal Member State appeared first on Kaab TV.