Among those who fled is Fadumo Madey Moalim, 26, who arrived in Mogadishu with her four young children after leaving Jasiira village near Qoryooley last month.

Fadumo said her family fled after Al-Shabaab militants fired mortar rounds at an African Union forces base in the area.

She said the shelling was followed by heavy retaliatory bombardment by Ugandan troops and their Somali counterparts into surrounding farmland, where her family lived.

“There was fighting and we could not stay there. The same day we fled, my home was hit by a mortar round,” Fadumo told Saab TV.

She and her children are now living in Barhad-weyn camp in Kahda district, on the outskirts of Mogadishu.

Fadumo said that after spending about two weeks in the camp, her family had yet to receive humanitarian assistance.

She said local organisations were struggling to provide support because of funding cuts affecting humanitarian operations in Somalia.

Our visit to Barhad-weyn camp found families living in difficult conditions, with many lacking sufficient food, clean water, adequate shelter and access to essential services.

Children appeared particularly vulnerable, with residents reporting cases of malnutrition and limited access to healthcare.

For Fadumo, returning home is not currently an option.

“We are not going back. We shall rather stay here until the situation improves,” she said.

‘We sleep hungry here’

Maryama Mohamed Sheikh Osman, 35, is another recent arrival at the camp.

A mother of seven, Maryama fled Ugunji, near Janale, after Al-Shabaab militants raided a Somali military base in the area and reportedly killed dozens of people.

She said militants also threatened residents in the agricultural village, prompting her to leave with her children.

Maryama, who owned a small grocery and meat shop, said she relied on casual labour when her business did not generate enough income. Her former husband died years ago, leaving her responsible for supporting her children.

She arrived in Mogadishu about a week ago.

“We sleep hungry here,” Maryama said through tears.

She said she had never expected to leave her village for Mogadishu, but repeated mortar attacks and insecurity left her with little choice.

“I never thought I would come to Mogadishu, but the mortar shelling forced me and my family to flee,” she told Kaab TV.

Maryama and her children are now living in Barhad-weyn camp without regular food assistance or adequate shelter, sleeping in a makeshift shelter made of plastic sheeting and sticks.

Most of the newly displaced families arriving at the camp are women and children, who face heightened vulnerabilities after being uprooted from their homes and livelihoods.

“We wish our village would be peaceful enough for us to return,” Maryama said.

Multiple threats in Lower Shabelle

The displacement comes amid continuing insecurity in Lower Shabelle, where Al-Shabaab frequently carries out attacks and raids against military and civilian installations.

At the same time, longstanding disputes between local armed clan groups over farmland, land ownership and settlement have added another layer of insecurity.

Tensions involving members of the Biyamaal and Habar Gidir clans have periodically escalated into deadly violence, further affecting civilians and contributing to displacement.

Humanitarian organisations continue to provide assistance to vulnerable communities, but aid workers and displaced residents say the needs are far greater than the assistance currently available.

Residents of Barhad-weyn are calling on humanitarian agencies, the Somali government and the wider community to help provide food, clean water, shelter, healthcare and other essential services.

The Somali government has yet to publicly address the needs of the newly displaced families in the camp. Authorities in South West State also did not immediately comment on the security situation in Lower Shabelle.

For families such as Fadumo’s and Maryama’s, the immediate priority is survival while they wait for the security situation at home to improve.

Until then, Mogadishu remains their only refuge.

The post Violence Drives Lower Shabelle Families to Mogadishu appeared first on Kaab TV.

Over the past months, senior U.S. officials have intensified contacts with Puntland, Somaliland and Jubaland, focusing on security cooperation, counterterrorism, maritime security and the growing strategic importance of the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea.

The renewed engagement comes at a time when Somalia’s security transition has faced serious setbacks. Despite billions of dollars in international assistance, the Somali Federal Government has struggled to deliver decisive progress against Al-Shabaab, while political disputes between Mogadishu and federal member states have weakened national cohesion and diverted attention from the fight against extremist groups.

For Washington and its allies, the security environment is becoming increasingly complex. The threat is no longer limited to Al-Shabaab. ISIS-linked militants in Puntland, piracy concerns in the Gulf of Aden, instability around the Red Sea, and geopolitical competition among global powers have increased the strategic importance of Somalia’s coastline and regional actors.

U.S. Engagement with Puntland: Counterterrorism and Maritime Security

The latest U.S.-Puntland engagement has been among the most significant.

A U.S. delegation led by Major General Claude K. Tudor Jr., the commander of special operations for U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM), met with Puntland President Said Abdullahi Deni in Bosaso.

During the visit, Puntland and the United States signed a security cooperation agreement allowing Washington to expand its facility in Bosaso to support counterterrorism operations and maritime security.

The agreement comes after years of U.S. support for Puntland’s campaign against ISIS militants in the Cal Miskaad mountains of Bari region.

From 2024 to 2025, U.S. assistance included airstrikes, intelligence sharing and logistical support to Puntland forces fighting ISIS. Puntland forces later announced that they had recaptured several areas previously controlled by ISIS after months of operations supported by international partners.

The President of the #Puntland State, @HESaidADeni , together with ministers, military officers, and advisors, held a meeting in Bosaso with a delegation from the #USA especially @USAfricaCommand , led by Major General Claude Tudor, Commander of #AFRICOM Special Operations. pic.twitter.com/xC4b63LACx

— Puntland State House (@Plstatehouse) August 2, 2026

The U.S. focus on Puntland reflects the region’s strategic importance. Puntland sits along the Gulf of Aden, close to one of the world’s most important maritime chokepoints, the Bab al-Mandab Strait, where instability could affect global shipping and energy supplies.

Somaliland: Strategic Maritime Partnership

Major General Tudor also met Somaliland President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi (Irro) during his Horn of Africa tour.

The discussions focused on security cooperation, maritime security and shared strategic interests in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden.

Somaliland emphasized its more than 850-kilometer coastline and the strategic importance of Berbera, which sits near major international shipping routes.

The engagement highlights Somaliland’s growing importance in regional security calculations. While Somaliland remains internationally unrecognized as an independent state, its geographic position and relative stability have made it increasingly relevant to discussions about maritime security, counterterrorism and regional stability.

The United States has previously assessed the strategic value of Berbera as part of broader efforts to improve maritime awareness and monitor threats in the Red Sea and Bab al-Mandab.

Jubaland and the Return of Regional Security Partnerships

Jubaland has also remained an important security partner for the United States due to its location along the Kenyan border and its role in countering Al-Shabaab.

The region has historically been a frontline in Somalia’s fight against the militant group, particularly in areas around Lower Juba and Kismayo.

U.S. engagement with Jubaland has traditionally focused on security cooperation, including support for local forces fighting Al-Shabaab and efforts to prevent extremist networks from exploiting border areas.

As Al-Shabaab continues to adapt its strategy, maintaining relationships with capable regional security actors has become increasingly important.

Why a Dual-Track Approach Could Be Necessary

For years, international partners have invested heavily in strengthening Somalia’s Federal Government as the central authority responsible for defeating Al-Shabaab and rebuilding state institutions.

However, the results have been disappointing.

Al-Shabaab remains a powerful insurgency with significant territorial influence, taxation networks and the ability to carry out major attacks. Somalia’s national security forces have struggled with coordination problems, political interference and limited operational capacity.

At the same time, relations between Mogadishu and federal member states have deteriorated. Political disputes over constitutional reforms, elections and resource-sharing have weakened cooperation between the federal and regional levels.

The result has been a security strategy built around a government that has not yet developed the political and institutional capacity required to manage Somalia’s complex security environment.

This reality has forced international partners to reconsider whether a Mogadishu-only approach is sufficient.

The emerging pattern of U.S. engagement has led some analysts to argue that Washington is once again embracing a dual-track approach in Somalia.

As Nairobi-based analyst Rashid Abdi noted, “The U.S. military is actively stepping up ‘dual-track diplomacy’ to deepen cooperation with strategic Somali territories — Somaliland, Puntland and Jubaland.”

The three are crucial US partners and deemed more active in the fight against terrorist groups in the Horn,” Rashid wrote.

Puntland has been at the forefront of operations against ISIS-linked militants in the Cal Miskaad mountains, while Jubaland remains a key frontline region in the fight against Al-Shabaab due to its location along Somalia’s southern border. Somaliland, meanwhile, has gained strategic importance because of its long coastline, the port of Berbera and its proximity to the Red Sea and Bab al-Mandab maritime corridor.

The growing U.S. focus on these regions reflects a broader security calculation: defeating terrorist networks and protecting strategic waterways requires cooperation with actors that have operational presence on the ground.

Rather than replacing engagement with Mogadishu, a renewed dual-track model would acknowledge Somalia’s federal reality and allow Washington to work simultaneously with national and regional institutions to address increasingly complex threats.

The dual-track approach is not a rejection of Somalia’s federal government. Instead, it recognizes the reality that Somalia’s regions possess different security capabilities, political dynamics and strategic importance.

During previous years, the United States engaged directly with regional administrations while maintaining relations with Mogadishu. That approach allowed Washington to support security actors on the ground while encouraging Somalia’s federal system to develop.

A renewed dual-track model could provide several advantages

First, it could strengthen counterterrorism operations.

Regional forces in Puntland, Jubaland and other areas have direct knowledge of local terrain, communities and militant networks. Supporting capable local partners could improve the fight against Al-Shabaab and ISIS.

Second, it could improve maritime security.

With piracy risks returning and instability spreading around the Red Sea, coastal regions such as Puntland and Somaliland have become critical partners in protecting international shipping routes.

Third, it could respond faster to emerging threats.

The Horn of Africa is increasingly affected by competition involving regional and global powers, arms trafficking, extremist networks and instability linked to the Red Sea crisis.

A New Reality in the Horn of Africa

The Horn of Africa is entering a new strategic era. The Red Sea has become a major arena of geopolitical competition, while extremist groups continue exploiting weak governance and security gaps.

The international community cannot afford a security strategy based only on political preferences in Mogadishu while ignoring realities on the ground.

A balanced dual-track approach could allow the United States and its partners to work with all capable Somali actors while continuing to support Somalia’s federal institutions.

The goal should not be to weaken Somalia’s national government, but to strengthen the country’s ability to confront threats that no single institution can defeat alone.

The recent U.S. engagements with Puntland, Somaliland and Jubaland suggest a recognition that Somalia’s security future depends on broader partnerships. After years of limited progress against terrorism and growing instability around the Red Sea, revisiting a dual-track approach may no longer be a political choice — it may be a strategic necessity.

The post Why U.S. Is Rebuilding Somalia’s Dual-Track Model? appeared first on Kaab TV.

The hearing had previously been postponed on Sunday 21 June without any official explanation as the presiding judge was replaced days ago.

The first hearing in the case took place on 1 June 2026, during which the prosecution presented two charges against her: “insulting state institutions” and “incitement to commit a crime.”

The office of the prosecutor general brought charges related to social media videos in which she criticised outgoing President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and his family. The prosecutor also played a clip in which Sadia raised concerns that police officers had “threatened her with rape”.

During the initial hearing, the judge accepted a preliminary objection from the defence lawyers, who argued that the charges were not sufficiently detailed and that there was no evidence proving that Sadia, who is a mother a young daughter and earns tuktuk taxi, had committed any crime.

It is noteworthy that the judge who presided over the first hearing was instantly replaced.

The second hearing was presided over by Judge Salah Ali Mohamud, commonly known as “Salah Dabaan,” who is reportedly from the same clan as President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.

How the proceedings happened

Media access was restricted during Tuesday’s hearing, with journalists – including our team denied entry with cameras or permission to report from inside the courtroom. We were even told not to take notes.

However, we saw the presiding judge, Salah Daban, brought his own cameraman into the courtroom to record proceedings, raising concerns among defence lawyers about the transparency and fairness of the process.

Later in the day, short edited video clips from the hearing circulated on social media, specially on a Facebook page associated with the Banadir Regional Court.

Two of the defence lawyers who spoke to Kaab TV said the footage did not reflect the full proceedings, noting that key defence arguments were omitted.

They also alleged that some audio had been cut or edited in a way that misrepresented statements as an admission of guilt.

During the session on Tuesday, the prosecution reintroduced the same two charges, adding further details. They alleged that Sadia “had posted a video claiming that the Banadir Regional Administration recruits people through clan-based networks and that most senior positions are dominated by a single clan.”

The prosecution also submitted an audio interview reportedly given by Sadia on 20 April 2026 while she was in custody, in which she said she “had gone four days without food”. The prosecutor presented this audio as “a damaging to the reputation of the prison and the government”.

In addition, prosecutors cited a recent report published by The Guardian, which included Sadia’s allegations that she “was stripped naked, beaten, and taken to a so-called “death room” inside detention.”

They also played another video clip of Sadia saying that she feared for well-being and safety after a police officers “threatened her with rape”

Sadia was then asked to explain. When she stood she told the court that police officers including the officer who was investigating her whom she named as ‘Big Show’ had threatened her with “rape”.

The defence team maintained that Sadia should be released immediately and those who threatened her with sexual violence be arrested.

Throughout the hearing, prosecutors also accused her of participating in protests in Mogadishu and of being a leader of a youth-led movement in the city—claims which the defence strongly denied.

The case has attracted significant public attention, with human rights organisations stating that her arrest and prosecution appear to be an attempt to silence youth voices in Somalia.

Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and SIHA Network have recently called for her immediate release.

The Geeska Freedom Centre has also condemned her detention and the charges against her.

A verdict is expected to be announced on Thursday, while Sadia remains in custody, having been detained for 74 days.

The post Concerns Raised Over Fairness as Mogadishu Court Hears Case of Detained Activist Sadia Moalin Ali appeared first on Kaab TV.

In Mogadishu, fuel and cooking gas prices have risen by nearly 67%, according to residents who spoke to Kaab TV.

Traders and transport operators warn that if the conflict continues, the cost of basic goods could rise further, putting significant pressure on low-income families.

The prices of staple foods such as rice, grains, flour, and cooking oil have jumped by up to 10%, while electronics and other commodities have also seen noticeable increases.

“I sit in my tuktuk with no fuel. The price is over $1 today—I cannot afford it,” said Abdiasis Mohamed, who earns his living driving a tuktuk taxi. Abdiasis added that he struggles to pay both his tuktuk rent and household bills if fuel prices continue to rise.

The price surge comes at a critical time, as many households were preparing for Eid al-Fitr at the end of Ramadan. With prices skyrocketing, many families are unable to meet basic needs.

“If the conflict continues for an extended period, it will have a serious impact on the local economy,” said Hassan Nur, a shop owner in Mogadishu.

Somalia relies heavily on imports from the United Arab Emirates, which accounts for approximately 33% of the country’s total imports.

Business owners report that disruptions to flights and ports across several Gulf states have delayed shipments, with some expected goods failing to arrive for at least four days.

Mogadishu port has seen a decline in the arrival of major ships due to the closure of ports in the UAE.

Iran sits along the strategic Hormuz Strait, through which about 3,000 ships transit each month.

As of early March, daily traffic through the strait has dropped by roughly 80%. Observers warn that continued conflict could affect the Gulf of Aden, particularly given the presence of Houthi militias in Yemen linked to Iran.

Reported strikes in Qatar, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Oman have further disrupted trade and fuel supplies.

Somalia’s commercial ties with these countries have been temporarily affected, contributing to supply shortages.

The Somali government has not yet commented on the impact, but local traders and economists warn that if regional tensions escalate, Somalia could face widespread inflation affecting food, fuel, and other essential services.

As a country heavily dependent on imports—especially from Gulf nations—Somalia remains highly vulnerable to regional instability.

Residents in Mogadishu say they are increasingly concerned that a prolonged conflict could deepen economic hardship and worsen living conditions across the country.

The post Conflict in the Middle East Drives Fuel and Food Prices Up in Somalia appeared first on Kaab TV.

Speaking to the media in Mogadishu, Gama’diid said that members of parliament with differing opinions are facing an atmosphere of fear and intimidation.

“Some MPs have been threatened with death. Police officers said to the MPs ‘we were ordered to kill you’,” he stated, highlighting the strong pressure on parliamentarians to take certain positions or remain silent on critical national issues.

The accusation comes after disruptions and confrontations marked the recent sessions of the House of the People, where disagreements arose over how to approach the new constitutional chapters.

Gama’diid did not name specific individuals behind the threats, but his comments paint a picture of insecurity within the country’s legislative center.

The incident raises serious questions about parliamentary immunity and the protection of freedom of expression within Somalia’s parliament, at a time when a sensitive power struggle is unfolding in Mogadishu.

The post Somali MP Alleges Death Threats Against Opposition Lawmakers Amid Constitutional Tensions appeared first on Kaab TV.

The flights, which departed from Garowe and Kismayo, were ordered to return while still in the air, just minutes before they were due to land at Aden Adde International Airport in the Somali capital.

“Shame that advance teams fr PL & JL could not arrive today in Moga. Whatever the misunderstanding, the 🇪🇺 hopes that all sides will find a solution for this key dialogue to happen, and set a conducive environment for substantive discussions, leading to a way forward on elections,” said EU Ambassador to Somalia Francesca Di Mauro in a statement posted on X.

The United Nations office in Somalia also voiced regret over the incident, confirming that the flights were denied landing clearance due to the absence of required authorisations.

“@UNTMIS_ regrets that advance teams from Puntland and Jubaland could not arrive for the national consultative forum scheduled to begin in Mogadishu, as the necessary technical clearances were not granted,” the UN said in a statement.

The UN urged Somali stakeholders to prioritise the agreed dialogue forum in order to reach consensus on elections and other national issues, particularly as the country approaches the end of several constitutional mandates.

It also called for the rapid completion of preparatory work by technical committees and for further efforts by the Federal Government of Somalia and the Somali Future Council to create conditions conducive to dialogue and agreement.

In separate statements, the administrations of Puntland and Jubaland condemned the decision to turn back the flights, describing it as “an action that endangered the safety of the officials and security personnel on board.”

Jubaland authorities further reported that two additional flights carrying civilians from Kismayo were also denied permission to land in Mogadishu and were forced to return.

Puntland President Said Abdullahi Deni, speaking after the incident, described the move as a “criminal act”, saying accountability would follow at the appropriate time.

Meanwhile, Somalia’s Minister of Defence, Ahmed Macalin Fiqi, accused the Puntland and Jubaland leadership of attempting to bring excessive security forces and weapons into Mogadishu via the airport.

The two regional administrations rejected the allegation, stating that the passengers consisted only of standard presidential security details and staff from their respective presidential offices.

The incident occurred on 1 February, the date originally scheduled for the national conference on Somalia’s 2026 electoral process, which was expected to take place in Mogadishu.

In the weeks leading up to the meeting, technical committees from the Federal Government of Somalia and the Somali Future Council had been working on preparations and the conference agenda.

Observers now view Sunday’s events as a significant new setback to the electoral talks, raising fresh concerns over trust, security guarantees, and the ability of Somalia’s political stakeholders to convene for inclusive national dialogue.

The post EU and UN Express Concern as Puntland and Jubaland Flights Turned Back from Mogadishu appeared first on Kaab TV.

Meanwhile, Somaliland has received recognition from the government of Israel becoming the first country to recognside Hargeisa as a sovereign country after more than three decade of waiting. Somalia continues to refuse this move, a development that has further complicated the overall political landscape.

The spokesperson of the Somali Salvation Forum (opposition alliance), Mohamed Mohamud Diriye (Beyle), told Kaab TV that the federal government must present a clear roadmap to save the country and reach a national consensus on elections.

“We are constantly warning and calling for restraint. We are urging President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud to come to his senses,” Beyle said.

He stressed that the opposition firmly rejects any election organized unilaterally by the president, describing such a move as illegal.

“It appears to us that the president wants to conduct an election on his own, in which he would be both a contestant and a referee,” Beyle added.

In December, the federal government held a highly disputed election in Mogadishu, which was outright rejected by opposition groups. The process lacked transparency and was also opposed by the Puntland and Jubaland administrations.

Recently, the opposition-led Somali Salvation Forum announced that if no agreement on elections is reached by January 20, 2026, it will launch its own electoral roadmap, which it says is intended to rescue the country from political collapse.

The federal government has since issued a statement inviting opposition leaders to participate in a political dialogue scheduled to take place in Mogadishu.

However, in a statement released on Saturday, the opposition conditioned its participation on several requirements, foremost among them credible security guarantees.

This comes amid an ongoing political standoff between President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and the leaders of Puntland and Jubaland. The federal government has also refused to recognize Jubaland President Ahmed Mohamed Islam (Ahmed Madobe) following the regional election held in November 2024.

Beyle told Kaab TV that the opposition is categorically opposed to any attempt by President Hassan Sheikh to extend his term, arguing that he is seeking a two-year extension of his mandate.

There are growing fears that Somalia could slide into political and security instability if an inclusive political settlement is not reached, at a time when the militant group Al-Shabaab is steadily advancing closer to the capital, Mogadishu.

The post “We Will Not Allow President Hassan Sheikh to Extend His Term” – Somali Opposition Spokesperson appeared first on Kaab TV.

On the morning of Tuesday, January 6, 2026, heavily armed forces belonging to the Banadir Regional Police, equipped with heavy weapons and military vehicles, launched an attack on civilians who were staging a protest against an attempted land grab in the Warlaliska neighborhood of Dayniile District.

According to Dayniile elders who spoke to Kaab TV, the security forces opened fire on the protesting civilians, resulting in six people killed and up to 14 others injured.

Video footage recorded at the scene shows heavy gunfire as residents of Warlaliska were protesting against the seizure of their land and their forced displacement.

During the clashes, youths were seen throwing stones while live ammunition was being fired.

1 of 5

Abdi Mohamed, one of the traditional elders, said that some of the victims were buried on Thursday and Friday, while the injured remain hospitalized.

“Among the injured is a boy named Abdirahman, who was shot in the liver. Doctors fear for his life, saying his condition cannot be treated inside the country,” Abdi Mohamed said.

On Thursday, traditional elders, women, and families of the victims held a press conference in Mogadishu, calling for the immediate arrest of the officers responsible for killing civilians in Dayniile.

“We are calling for urgent medical assistance for the wounded and for the arrest of those who carried out the killings,” said Amina Yusuf Sheikh, one of the speakers at the event.

NAMES OF THE INJURED

1. Abdicasiis Ahmed Barre

2) Najiib Hagardiid

3) Abdullahi Mohamed Hassan

4) Muhsin Osman Farah

5) Mohamed Sharifow

6) Abdirahman Cajiinka

7) Abdifataah Ali Abdi

8) Abdullahi Mahmoud Macalin

9) Abdirahman Maanka

10) Ahmed Noor

11) Abdirahman Shamuurey

12) Abdirisaq Cujug Yar

13) Haji Mahmoud (elderly man)

14) Abdullahi Hassan Cagey

THE DAYNIILE ATTACK

Media sources learned that the police forces were acting under orders from the Banadir Regional Police Command, which instructed them to forcibly evict civilians from the Warlaliska neighborhood and later sell the land to wealthy businessmen who allegedly reached an agreement with President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.

According to government sources, the Banadir Regional Police Commissioner, Mahdi Omar Muumin, commonly known as Macallin Mahdi—who previously belonged to the Al-Shabaab terrorist group—personally issued the order.

Families of the victims said that after the attack, Macallin Mahdi called them, warning them not to speak to the media and to remain silent about the killing of civilians.

When journalists visited the hospital where the injured were taken, police officers were deployed to the facility and medical staff were instructed not to allow photographs of the wounded civilians or the bodies of those killed in the Warlaliska neighborhood of Dayniile District.

Initially, the Police Command denied that any deaths had occurred, but later contacted the families and instructed them not to speak to the media.

The post Land Grab Turns Deadly: Somalia Police Kill Six Civilians in Mogadishu’s Dayniile District appeared first on Kaab TV.

Sharif Hassan named his party the National Progress and Unity Party, saying it would be open to all Somalis.

“We want Somalis from all five regions to join this movement,” he declared during the announcement.

The launch comes barely a week after Sharif Hassan, along with Omar Abdirashid Sharmarke, Dahir Mohamud Geelle, and Mohamed Mursal Abdirahman, signed an agreement with President Mohamud.

As we have reported week ago, the president made a payment of $1 million in inducements to secure the support of the four men, often described as opposition sprinters.

All four were previously key members of the opposition National Salvation Forum.

During Tuesday’s event, former parliament speaker Mohamed Mursal voiced his support for Sharif Hassan’s new party and was announced as its deputy chairman.

Sources close to Sharif Hassan told Kaab TV that he is preparing to run for the presidency of South West State, currently held by Abdiaziz Hassan Mohamed Laftagareen, whose mandate expired more than a year ago.

The post Sharif Hassan Announces Political Party Amid Alliance with Hassan Sheikh appeared first on Kaab TV.

The sound of heavy gunfire and shelling shattered her last hopes of staying. Carrying her children, she escaped under fire, seeking safety in a life still clouded by uncertainty.

“War, suffering, and explosions drove us out,” Jawaahir said, sitting at the doorway of her makeshift hut in an overcrowded camp for displaced people, the heat of the midday sun visible on her face.

After days on the road, she arrived at Barxad-weyn camp in Kaxda district, Mogadishu. But survival here comes with new challenges: no clean water, inadequate shelter, little food, and no access to healthcare.

“Sometimes food is cooked in the camp and shared in spoonfuls,” she said. The biggest struggle, however, is clean water. “Two jerrycans cost 3,000 shillings (USD 0.15). If you don’t have money, you don’t get water.”

Camp “gatekeepers,” who control settlements, are accused of charging rent for plots of land while also taking a share of aid meant for displaced families.

Faadumo Abdulkadir, a widow with six children, fled Sabiid and Caanoole near Afgooye after Al-Shabaab retook the area last month. When Kaab TV visited, she and other women were busy building a small hut to shelter her children.

“I’ve been here four days. We fled war and hunger,” she said. “I have no money for my children’s education. We all sleep together in this tiny hut.”

War and Climate Fuel Displacement

Somalia continues to reel from a cycle of conflict, droughts, floods, and insecurity, driving hundreds of thousands from their homes. Aid agencies estimate that more than 3.3 million people are currently displaced inside the country.

Overcrowded camps lack safety, and women—especially those without male relatives—face frequent nighttime attacks by armed men.

Ca’isha Adam Mohamed, a mother of three—two of them orphans—escaped her village near Bariire, Middle Shabelle, during recent fighting between African Union and Somali troops against Al-Shabaab.

“Mortar shells landed on our village. I fled on foot with my children until we found a vehicle near Afgooye,” she said. Now living with her father, who pushes a cart in Mogadishu to feed the family, she describes nights when her children go to sleep crying from hunger.

Aid Cuts Deepen Crisis

The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) recently warned that sharp cuts in humanitarian funding have left more than 300,000 Somalis without food and clean water assistance, raising the risk of preventable diseases.

“Somalia is being pushed to the brink by the combined impact of relentless conflict, climate extremes, and a sharp drop in international support,” said Mohamed Abdi, NRC’s Country Director in Somalia.

“We are seeing the human cost of inaction every day, in the suffering of children too weak to walk, in the empty jerrycans, and in the avoidable deaths from waterborne diseases. This is a man-made disaster that can still be prevented.”

Earlier this year, the United Nations appealed for $1.42 billion to assist 4.6 million Somalis, but so far only 17% of that has been funded. As a result, aid groups have been forced to scale back, leaving millions of vulnerable families without support.

The post Displaced Somali Women Struggle to Survive Amid Conflict, Drought, and Aid Cuts appeared first on Kaab TV.